r^y 



^"^^^ ^ 



'^ "K,^ 



f y ..:.'. ^ 



<^^'o.y^ A 






^,. ''^ 






^.^ 







^ '-^ ". 



.0 o 



/^^^^ii^." 



.%^ ^ 







.^;"-^,^^ 






^'^HxN?- .aV<c„ : 



:-v^% ^^'^^^l- #^%,_ • 



:^y 






<^ ^ , j^ -* .'^ 




c".o^^^.-^ .,#.^!rv^°. 



^, "'..^^ ^>J 






r ^-^s^SJ 



f-,^-^^.'- 













-■^r^'".^' ;;^ ^^x^^ j^^,- ;• ' ^ ^^;:.., .. .' -'^'^%''./" .^^ 













^\o^ 



r'^o 




,0o^ 



>y^^^ 






A^' ^r 







'>^._ ^■^«^H^ - ^sj> "^ 




O -> , , s ,G <* ^ » V ^ 



A . N C , 







.-..-..:l^ . 




'"■^^ v*' 



,0' 




^•^ 



































^.^..0^ ^ 



0^ ■«- " ^ ^ c 







,4? ^ , 





















^^.N'^^/.^-o>^^\^.^,>J^> 



,f-^^*,; * 



^^%^ 



~1 1 % 























*S\\ 




'^i..^^' - 



1: '%^^ .--^ 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 
in 2011 with funding from 
The Library of Congress 



http://www.archive.org/details/sistersofladyjan01dave 



THE SISTERS OF LADY JANE GREY 




{Frontispiece 



LADY KATHERINE GREY 



{From the original jjainting, by an unknown artist, in the fossession oj 
Mrs. Wright- Biddulj>h, bearing the following inscription :) 
"Now thus but like to change 
And fade as dothe the flowre 
Which springe and bloom full gay, 
And wythrethe in one hour." 



THE SISTERS OF 
LADY JANE GREY 

AND THEIR WICKED GRANDFATHER 



being the true stories 

of the strange lives of charles brandon, duke of 

suffolk, and of the ladies katherine and 

mary grey, sisters of lady jane grey, 

"the nine-days' quern" 



' BY 

RICHARD DAVEY 

AUTHOR OF 

' THE SULTAN AND HIS SUBJECTS," "tHE PAGEANT OF LONDON, 

AND "the NINE-DAVS' OUEEN " 



WITH j^ ILLUSTRATIONS 



NEW YORK 

E. P. BUTTON & CO. 

31 WEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET 

1912 



n-^ 



\ 



y 






Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, 

brunswick street, stamford street, s.e., 

and bungav, suffolk. 



4'iiirsi^-- 

/w*- 



TO 

THE MEMORY OF THE LATE 

MAJOR MARTIN HUME 

A GREAT HISTORIAN OF TUDOR TIMES 

THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED BY A STUDENT OF 

THE SAME PERIOD OF OUR 

NATIONAL HISTORY 



^ 



PREFACE 

The strange adventures of the Ladies Katherine 
and Mary Grey, although they excited great 
interest at the time of their happening, and were 
of immense contemporary pohtical importance, 
are now almost unknown, even to professed 
students of Elizabethan history. The sad fate 
of these unfortunate princesses has paled before 
that of their more famous sister. Lady Jane Grey, 
who, although the heroine of an appalling tragedy, 
was rather the victim of others than of her own 
actions. In a sense, she was merely a lay-figure, 
whereas her sisters, especially Lady Katherine, 
who played an active part on the stage of history 
at a later period of life, and possessed an unusually 
strong personality, were entirely swayed by the 
most interesting of human passions — love. Lady 
Katherine was literally '' done to death " by her 
infatuation for the young Earl of Hertford, the 
eldest son of that Protector Somerset who suffered 
death under Edward VL The feline cruelty with 
which Queen Elizabeth tormented Lady Katherine, 
after the clandestine marriage with her lover 
was revealed, called forth the freely expressed 
condemnation of Chief Secretary Cecil, who 
denounced his royal mistress's harshness in no 
measured terms. 



Preface 

It is said that Lady Willoughby d'Eresby, one 
of the faithful attendants on Katherine of Aragon, 
was so infuriated by Henry VIIFs courtship and 
marriage with Anne Boleyn, that she pronounced 
a terrible curse upon that wretched queen and the 
infant Elizabeth. If, through her intercession 
or incantations, she contrived to induce some evil 
spirit to inspire Henry VIII to make his famous 
but ill-considered Will, she certainly succeeded 
in adding very considerably to the discomfort of 
his celebrated daughter, who, during all her life, 
had to experience the consequences of an ill- 
judged testament, whereby Henry VIII, by passing 
over the legitimate claim to the succession, of 
his grandniece, Mary Queen of Scots, the descen- 
dant of his eldest sister, Margaret Tudor, widow of 
James IV of Scotland, in favour of the heirs of his 
youngest sister, Mary Tudor, Queen of France and 
Duchess of Suffolk, opened a very Pandora's box, 
full of more or less genuine claimants, after 
Ehzabeth's death, to the English Throne. The 
Spanish Ambassador enumerates a round dozen 
of these, all of whom, with the exception of Mary 
Stuart and Lady Katherine Grey, he describes as 
more or less incompetent place-seekers, not worth 
the butter on their bread, but who clamoured to 
obtain the queen's recognition of what they 
believed to be their legal rights, and thereby 
added greatly to the general confusion. Of these 
claimants. Lady Katherine Grey was by far the 
most important, her right to the Crown being 
not only based on two Royal Wills— those of 
viii 



Preface 

Henry VIII and Edward VI ^ — but, moreover, 
ratified by a special Act of Parliament. She 
therefore played a more conspicuous part in the 
politics of the early years of Elizabeth's reign than 
is generally known, and, as a matter of fact, was 
rarely out of the queen's calculations. In the 
first year of her reign, Elizabeth, wishing to be on 
the best of terms with her young cousins, not 
only admitted them to her privy chamber, but 
went so far as to recognize Lady Katherine as her 
legitimate successor, and even proposed to adopt 
her, calling her, in public, her " daughter.'' For 
all this, there was no love lost between the queen 
and the princess. Lady Katherine, who had been 
intimate with the Countess of Feria, an English- 
woman by birth, and a close friend of Queen 
Mary, was strongly prejudiced against the Princess 
Elizabeth, who, she had been assured, was no 
daughter of Henry VIII, but a mere result of Anne 
Boleyn's intimacy with Smeaton the musician. 
Notwithstanding, therefore, the queen's advances, 
on more than one occasion Lady Katherine Grey, 
according to Quadra, the Spanish Ambassador, 
answered Elizabeth disrespectfully. It was not, 
however, until after the news of the clandestine 
marriage between Lady Katherine Grey and the 
Earl of Hertford reached her majesty, that she 
began to persecute the wretched girl and her 
husband, by sending them to the Tower — not, 
indeed, to *' dungeons damp and low," but to fairly 

1 See the brief synopsis of Henry VIIFs Will in Note at 
the end of this Preface. 

ix 



Preface 

comfortable apartments, worthy of their high sta- 
tion, for which the earl, at least, had to pay hand- 
somely. When, thanks to the carelessness or con- 
nivance of Sir Edward Warner, the lieutenant, the 
offending couple were allowed occasionally to meet, 
and Lady Katherine eventually gave birth to two 
sons, Elizabeth's fury knew no bounds, and the 
young mother had to undergo an awful and life- 
long penance as the result of her imprudence. 
That Elizabeth had good cause to object to the 
introduction into this world of a male successor, 
became unpleasantly apparent some ten years 
later, when the two boys were put forward as 
claimants to her Throne, and thereby came very 
near involving England in an ugly civil war. 

The misfortunes of her elder sister do not seem 
to have impressed Lady Mary Grey, on whom the 
Crown devolved, according to the Wills of Henry 
VIII and Edward VI, in the event of Lady 
Katherine dying without issue. She was a dwarf, 
and married secretly Mr. Thomas Keyes, the 
'* giant '* Sergeant-Porter of Whitehall Palace, 
who ** stood seven feet without his shoes.'' When 
EHzabeth received the news of this " outrage " 
on the part of the youngest of the sisters Grey, 
her resentment was truly dreadful, though her in- 
dignation, in this instance, was almost justifiable, 
since there is nothing a great sovereign dislikes 
more than that any members of the royal family 
should expose themselves to ridicule. Lady Mary, 
by her unequal marriage, had dragged the great 
name of Tudor into the mire, and had rendered 



Preface 

herself the laughing-stock of Europe ! Elizabeth 
adopted in this case the same unpleasant treatment 
which she had administered to the recalcitrant 
Lady Katherine ; but, fortunately for the little 
Lady Mary, Mr. Keyes died '' of his torments," at 
an early stage of proceedings, and his widow, 
having promised never to repeat her offence, by 
re-marrying with an ordinary mortal, let alone 
with a dwarf or a " giant,'' was permitted to 
spend the rest of her short life in peace and 
plenty. 

The character of Elizabeth does not shine for 
its wisdom or kindliness in these pages ; and some 
incidental information concerning the mysterious 
fate of Amy Robsart, Leicester's first wife, tends 
to prove that ** our Eliza " was perfectly well 
aware of what was going on at Cumnor Hall, 
where, it will be remembered, the fair heroine of 
Scott's magnificent novel, Kenilworth, died '' of 
a fall downstairs," which, at the time, was not 
generally considered accidental. The callous 
manner in which the queen announced this 
accident — if accident it was — to the Spanish 
Ambassador, is full of significance. Meeting him 
one day in a corridor at Hampton Court, she said 
to him very lightly, and in Italian: '*The Lady 
Amy, the Lord Robert's wife, has fallen downstairs 
and broken her neck." A few days earlier the 
queen had asked the ambassador whether he 
thought there would be any harm in her marr3dng 
her servant, meaning Dudley. He ventured to 
remind her that there was an impediment to this 
xi 



Preface 

scheme, as the Lord Robert's wife was then still 
living. This impediment was soon removed ! 

Elizabeth's openly expressed passion for the 
future Earl of Leicester, who was Lady Katherine 
Grey's brother-in-law, damaged her reputation 
throughout Europe, and even jeopardized her 
Throne. The French Ambassador informs his 
sovereign that '* the Queen of England is mad on 
the subject of the Lord Robert," " she cannot 
live without him," *' their rooms communicate." 
" I could tell your Majesty," says the Spanish 
representative at our Court, in a letter to Philip II, 
'' things about the Queen and the Lord Robert 
which baffle belief, but I dare not do so in a letter." 
Strange to relate, however, no sooner was Amy 
Robsart dead, than Elizabeth's behaviour to the 
Lord Robert, as he was generally called, under- 
went a considerable change. She was willing to 
retain him as a lover, but, after what had happened, 
she was too frightened of possible consequences, to 
accept him as a husband. It was only the beauty 
of his person that captivated the queen : other- 
wise, she recognized him to be what he really 
was — a fool. " You cannot trust the Lord 
Robert," ^ she once complained to the French 
Ambassador, " any further than you see him. 
II est si bete." She was perfectly right, for, 
although she was perhaps never aware of the fact, 
the Spanish State Papers reveal that at one time 
Robert Dudley ^ was actually in correspondence, 

^ Ambassades Franfaises — Elizabeth : Archives Nationales. 
2 Simancas Papers (Spanish State Papers), edited by Major 
Martin Hume. 

xii 



Preface 

through the Spanish Ambassador, with Phihp II, 
to obtain his approval of the following astound- 
ing scheme, which, in abbreviated form, stands 
thus : '* The Lord Robert is to marry the Queen, 
and, with PhiUp's aid, they are to become 
Cathohcs, and work for the reconcihation of 
England to the Church, and the interests of 
Spain/' Comment is needless ! 

The biographies of the two princesses, Katherine 
and Mary Grey, are preceded by a few chapters 
dealing with Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, 
and Mary Tudor, their grandfather and grand- 
mother. I have published these chapters, because 
they seem to me to complete the history of this 
strange family, and enable me to place before my 
readers a subject never before, I believe, treated 
in detail : that of the remarkable series of marriages 
of Charles Brandon, who, at the time that he was 
courting his king's sister, had two wives living, 
one of whom, the Lady Mortimer, was destined 
to give him considerable trouble, and to vex his 
spirit and that of his consort not a little. I think 
I may claim to be the first writer on Tudor topics 
and times who has been able to determine who 
was this Lady Mortimer, Brandon's first wife, 
and to trace her very interesting pedigree to a 
singular source. The story of Charles Brandon 
and of his clandestine marriage with Mary Tudor 
has been frequently related, and, indeed, it forms 
the subject of one of the last essays ever written 
by Major Martin Hume. Brandon's earher 
adventures, however, have entirely escaped the 
xiii 



Preface 

attention of historians, and are only alluded to in 
a casual manner in most volumes on this subject. 
Brandon had a very interesting and complex 
personality, and the strange resemblance which 
existed between him and his master, King Henry 
VIII, forms not the least singular feature in his 
romantic career. This resemblance was not only 
physical, but moral. So great was it, from the 
physical point of view, that certain of his portraits 
are often mistaken for those of King Henry, to 
whom, however, he was not even remotely con- 
nected by birth. As to his moral character; his 
marriages — he had four wives, whilst a fifth lady. 
Baroness Lisle, was '' contracted to him *' — tend 
to prove that either Henry VIII influenced his 
favourite, or the favourite influenced his master, 
especially in matters matrimonial. 

A brief account of Lady Eleanor Brandon and 
her heirs closes this volume, which I hope will 
receive from the public as indulgent and kindly 
a reception as did the story of Lady Jane Grey 
{The Nine-days' Queen), of which the cele- 
brated M. T. de Wyzewa, in a lengthy review in 
the Revue des Deux Mondes, did me the honour of 
saying that " Jamais encore, je crois, aucun 
historien n'a reconstitue avec autant de relief et 
de couleur pittoresque le tableau des intrigues 
ourdies autour du trone du vieil Henri VIII et de 
son pitoyable successeur, Edouard VI." 

It is my duty to state that I submitted the 
manuscript of this book for the consideration of 
the late Major Martin Hume, who had already done 
xiv 



Preface 

me the honour of editing my previous work, on 
Lady Jane Grey, for which he suppHed an Intro- 
duction on the foreign poHcy of England during 
the reign of Edward VI and the '' nine-days' 
reign," possibly one of the most brilliant essays 
on Tudor times he ever wrote. He was so much 
interested in the present volume, that he promised 
to write for it a similar introductory chapter ; 
but, unfortunately, a few weeks after this kind 
offer of assistance was made, I received the sad 
news of his sudden death. Major Martin Hume, 
was, therefore, unable to carry his promise into 
effect ; but in a letter which he wrote to me at an 
earlier period of our agreeable correspondence, 
he indicated to me several sources of information, 
of which I have gratefully availed myself. 

The loss that historical literature sustained by 
the death of Major Hume was far greater than the 
general public, I think, realizes. He was a past- 
master in Tudor lore and history, and the future 
will, I trust, accord him that high position amongst 
our historians to which his work on the Spanish or 
Simancas State Papers should alone entitle him. 
In paying this, my poor tribute, to his memory 
as an historian, I can only add my sincere expres- 
sion of profound regret at his loss as a personal 
friend. 

In this volume — as well as in the previous one 
on Lady Jane Grey — I received considerable 
assistance, in the earlier stages of its compilation, 
from the celebrated Dr. Gairdner, and from 
my deeply regretted friend, the late Dr. Garnett. 

h XV 



Pretace 

I wish to acknowledge my debt of gratitude to these 
gentlemen ; and to renew my thanks to the autho- 
rities of the Record Office, the Bodleian Library, 
and other libraries, public and private, for their 
unvarying courtesy. 

In conclusion, I desire to express my appreciation 
of Mrs. Wright-Biddulph's kindness in allowing 
me to publish in this work a reproduction of her 
unique portrait of Lady Katherine Grey. Lord 
Leconfield, likewise, gave me permission to re- 
produce several of the portraits in his magnificent 
collection at Petworth, but, unfortunately, his 
courteous offer came too late. None the less it 
merits acknowledgment in these pages. 

Richard Davey. 

Palazzo Vendramin Calergi, Venice, 
August 1911. 



Note. — ^The following brief account of Henry VIIFs Will 
may aid the reader in understanding the complications to 
which it gave rise. By this famous testament (dated 26th of 
December 1546 and revoking all his previous Wills) , King 
Henry VIII provided that, in case he himself had no other 
children by his *' beloved wife Katherine [Parr] or any other 
wives he might have thereafter," and in the event of his only 
son, Edward [afterwards King Edward VI], who was to be 
his immediate successor, dying childless, that prince was to 
be succeeded by his eldest sister, Princess Mary; and if she, 
in turn, proved without offspring, she was to be succeeded 
by her sister. King Henry's younger daughter, Elizabeth, 
Failing heirs to that princess, the Crown was to pass to the 
Lady Jane Grey and her sisters, Katherine and Mary Grey, 
successively, these being the daughters of Henry's eldest 
niece, the Lady Frances Brandon, Marchioness of Dorset. 
In the event of the three sisters Grey dying without issue. 



Preface 

the Throne was to be occupied successively by the children 
of the Lady Frances's sister, the King's other niece, the Lady 
Eleanor Brandon, Countess of Cumberland. The Scotch 
succession, through Henry's eldest sister, Margaret Tudor, 
Dowager Queen of Scotland, was set aside, and the name of 
the young Queen of Scots [Mary Stuart] omitted from the 
Will, preference being given to the Ladies Grey, the daughters 
of Henry's niece, because he hoped that the betrothal of 
Mary Stuart, then only six years of age, to his son Edward, 
might be arranged, and the desired union of England and 
Scotland brought about in a natural manner. It is curious 
that Henry's nieces, the Ladies Frances and Eleanor, are not 
named in the Will as possible successors to the Crown, although 
their children are. Probably the King thought that, con- 
sidering the number of claimants in the field, both ladies 
would be dead, in the course of nature, long before they could 
be called upon to occupy the Throne. 

In 1553 the Duke of Northumberland, then all powerful, 
induced Edward VI, in the last weeks of his reign, to make a 
Will, in which he set aside the Princesses Mary and Elizabeth, 
his sisters, even stigmatizing them as bastards, and thus 
reversing his father's testament ; and named Lady Jane Grey, 
his cousin, and in default of her, her sisters Katherine and 
Mary Grey, as his immediate and legitimate successors. The 
consequences of this unfortunate " Devise," as it is called, 
were, as all the world knows, fatal to the Lady Jane and her 
family. 

As the result of these two Royal Wills, the principal claim- 
ants to the Crown on Elizabeth's death were, therefore, at the 
beginning of her reign, the following : firstly, Mary Queen of 
Scots, and her son, afterwards James I, who may be described 
as the legitimate pretenders; secondly, the Lady Margaret 
Lennox, step-sister to the Queen of Scots, and her two sons 
Darnley and Charles Lennox, and, eventually, the latter's 
daughter, Arabella Stuart ; thirdly, the Lady Katherine Grey 
and her two sons, and finally, in the event of their deaths, 
their aunt, the Lady Mary Grey. In case of all these princes 
and princesses leaving no issue, there remained the children 
and grandchildren of the Lady Frances's sister, the Lady 
Eleanor Brandon, Countess of Cumberland, one of whom, 
at least, Fernando Strange, rendered himself and his claims 
distinctly troublesome to Elizabeth. 

The queen had, moreover, to contend with the heirs of 
the Plant agenets, the members of the royal house of Pole, 
h 2 xvii 



Preface 



who, in the person of the Earl of Huntingdon, hoped, at one 
time, to dethrone the queen, and, with the assistance of the 
ultra-Protestant party, reign in her stead. 



Table showing the heirs female, in remainder to the Crown, 
named in the Will of Henry VIII and the ** Devise " of 
Edward VI : — 



King Henry the Seventh and Queen Elizabeth of York 
had issue 



I I I 

King Henry VIII, Margaret, Queen of Scots, Mary, Queen of France, 

father of, grandmother of Mary Stuart, mother of, by 

by Katherine by Anne and great-grandmother of Charles Brandon, 

of Aragon, Boleyn, King James the First. Duke of Suffolk, 



I I I I 

The Lady Mary. The Lady Elizabeth, The Lady Frances, The Lady Eleanor, 

Marchioness of Dorset, Countess of 

Duchess of Suffolk, Cumberland. 

, i h I 

The Lady Jane Grey, The Lady Katherine The Lady Mary Grey, The Lady Margaret, 

m. to Guildford Grey, m. to m. to Thomas Keyes, Countess of Clifford, 

Dudley, no issue. the Earl of no issue. issue. 
Hertford, issue. 



XVlll 



CONTENTS 



CHAP. PAGE 

PREFACE Vii 

THE ORIGIN OF THE HOUSE OF TUDOR . . . xxiii 

CHARLES BRANDON, DUKE OF SUFFOLK 

I CLOTH OF FRIEZE 3 

II THE FRENCH MARRIAGE 23 

III CLOTH OF FRIEZE WEDS CLOTH OF GOLD . . 49 

IV THE LAST DAYS OF SUFFOLK AND OF THE QUEEN- 

DUCHESS 67 

LADY KATHERINE GREY 

I BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 8^ 

II LADY KATHERINE GREY AT THE COURT OF QUEEN 

MARY 107 

III THE PROGRESS OF LADY KATHERINE's LOVE AFFAIRS 1 28 

IV QUEEN ELIZABETH AND HER SUCCESSION . . I46 

V THE CLANDESTINE MARRIAGE 1 65 

VI LADY KATHERINE AND HER HUSBAND IN THE 

TOWER 181 

VII LADY KATHERINE AT PIRGO 1 99 

VIII LADY KATHERINE AGAIN THE CENTRE OF INTRIGUES 212 

IX LADY KATHERINE's LAST ILLNESS AND DEATH . 23 1 

xix 



Contents 



LADY MARY GREY 

CHAP. PAGE 

I EARLY YEARS 255 

II A STRANGE WEDDING 262 

III THE LAST YEARS OF LADY MARY .... 282 

LADY ELEANOR BRANDON AND HER HEIRS 293 

INDEX . . ...... 305 



XX 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 

Lady Katherine Grey Frontispiece*^ 

From the original painting, by an unknown artist, in the 
possession of Mrs. Wright- Biddidph, bearing the following 
inscription — 

"Now thus but like to change 
And fade as dothe the flowre 
Which springe and bloom full gay, 
And wythrethe in one hour." 

Facing page 

Margaret Beaufort, Countess of Richmond . . xxviii ^ 

From the original portrait in the National Portrait Gallery. 

Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk . . . . 4*^ 

From an engraving, after the original in the collection of His 
Grace the Duke of Bedford. 

Henry VIII (at the age of fifty-three) . . . . 20^'' 

From the original portrait in the National Portrait Gallery. 

Charles Brandon, Duke of Sufp^olk^ and Mary 

Tudor Taken Together . . . . . 50 '^ 

Frovi an engraving, by Vertue, of the original portrait by 
Mabuse. 

Lady Monteagle (younger daughter of Charles Brandon, 

Duke of Suffolk) 62*^ 

From an engraving after Holbein. 

Katherine Willoughby, Duchess of Suffolk . . 74 »- 

From an engraving by Bartolozzi, of the original drawing, 
attributed to Holbein, in the King's collection. 

Frances Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, and Her 

Second Husband, Adrian Stokes . . . .104^" 

From an engraving by Vertue, after the original portrait by 
Lucas de Heere. 

Mary Tudor, Queen of England . . . .no 

From a little-known portrait by Antonio Moro, in the Escurial. 

xxi 



List of Illustrations 



Facing page 

Philip II, King of Spain 122 

From a contemporary Spanish print. 

■* Queen Elizabeth 134 

From the original portrait, by F. Zucchero, at Hatfield. 

'Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester . . . -156 

From the original portrait, by Zuccaro, in the National Portrait 
Gallery. 

•William Cecil, Lord Burleigh 214 

Sir Thomas Gresham 278 

From a contemporary engraving. 



XXll 



THE ORIGIN OF THE HOUSE OF TUDOR 

The amazing marriage of Katherine of Valois, 
widow of Henry V, with Owen Tudor, possibly 
accounts for much that was abnormal in the 
character of their royal descendants of the re- 
doubted House of Tudor. The queen dowager 
was the daughter of the mad King Charles VI 
of France and of his licentious consort, Isabeau 
of Bavaria — bad blood, indeed ; and Owen was 
a mere soldier of fortune. In his grandson Henry 
VI Ts day, a goodly pedigree was discovered for 
him, which set forth that far from being a *' mean 
born pup,'' as was popular^ reported, Owen 
was descended from Kenan, son of Coel, who 
was king of Britain, and brother of Helen, 
the mother of Constantine the Great. As to 
Owen ap Merideth ap Twydder or Tudor, good 
old Sandford af&rms that '' the Meanness of his 
Estate was recompensated by the Delicacy of 
his Person, so absolute in all the Lineaments of 
his Body, that the only Contemplation of it might 
make a Queen forget all other Circumstances " — 
which it did ! Stowe, who lived near enough to 
those times to receive direct tradition concerning 
this brave soldier, says, in his Annals,'^ that 

1 See Stowe's Annals; also, The History of the Twydyr 
Family. 

xxiii 



The Origin of the House of Tudor 

he was *' as ignorant as any savage/' Tall beyond 
the average, the founder of the House of Tudor 
carried himself with *' a perfect grace/' He was 
well featured, with hair that was curly and 
'* yellow as gold/' At an entertainment given 
in 1423, and attended, notwithstanding her recent 
bereavement, by the widowed queen, this Adonis, 
while in the act of executing an intricate pirou- 
ette, fell at the royal lady's feet. Whether the 
passion kindled by this ludicrous accident was 
reciprocated, we are not told; but so ardent 
was it, on Katherine's part, at least, that she soon 
afterwards clandestinely married the handsome 
Welshman/ 

1 The acquaintance of Katherine the Fair with Owen 
Tudor must have begun a great deal earHer than 1423, the 
date usually stated. There exists in the British Museum, a 
picturesque old French novel, entitled Tideric, Prince de 
Galles — founded, according to its anonymous author, on little- 
known documents amongst the French archives — which 
describes Katherine as having fallen in love with Owen 
during the negotiations for her marriage with Henry V. 
The handsome Welshman certainly distinguished hirhself at 
Agincourt, and subsequent to that momentous battle, was 
created Captain of the King's Guard, in which position he 
became a confidential attendant on the Sovereign. In that 
quality, we gather, he was sent with a message to Princess 
Katherine, who then and there fell in love with him. He was 
next — and this is an historical fact — created Clerk of the 
Wardrobe to the queen, and was, therefore, constantly in 
her company. When both the king and queen returned to 
France, and Henry died, Owen escorted the young dowager 
back to England. In the Histoire de Boulogne, a " M. Tidder " 
is described as being in the queen's procession, which followed 
xxiv 



The Origin of the House of Tudor 

The enemies of the House of Tudor averred 
that this secret marriage never really took place, 
and it is a singular fact that no allusion whatever 
is made to it in the hearse verse originally placed 
over the tomb of Queen Katherine in Westminster 
Abbey, and quoted in full in the contemporary 
Chronicle of WilHam of Worcester. But when 
Henry VII became king, this inscription was 
removed and another hearse verse, containing the 
following significant lines, was substituted and 
hung over his grandmother's monument: — 

"Of Owen Tudor after this, 

The next son Edmund was, 
O Katherine, a renowned Prince, 

That did in Glory pass. 
Henry the Seventh, a Britain Pearl, 

A Gem of England's Joy, 
A peerless Prince was Edmund's Son, 

A good and gracious Roy. 



" at a distance of two miles" that conveying the king's body 
through northern France on its way to England. The 
queen's procession entered Montreuil-sur-Mer one hour after 
the one which bore the royal corpse had left that town, 
" M. Tidder " leading the way, on a white horse. The queen 
and her party paused to partake of refreshments offered by 
the mayor, and it was late in the afternoon before they left 
Montreuil for Boulogne and Calais, where Katherine embarked 
for England at nightfall, but not on the vessel that carried 
the king's body. 

Thus Katherine may have had many a meeting with Owen 
long before her gallant husband's death. The adventure at 
the dance, which history relates as a fact, very likely occurred, 
and kindled a passion that resulted in the secret and momen- 
tous union, the precise date of which is lost. 

XXV 



The Origin of the House of Tudor 

Therefore a happy Wife this was, 

A happy Mother pure, 
Thrice happy Child, but Grandam she. 

More than Thrice happy sure." 

For more than seven years, during which time 
she gave birth to four children, the queen's house- 
hold observed profound secrecy with respect to 
her marriage — a fact which honours the fidelity 
and discretion of its members. 

Notwithstanding all these precautions, Duke 
Humphrey of Gloucester, who was regent during 
the minority of Henry VI, suspected the existence 
of something unusual, and, according to Sir 
Edward Coke,^ forthwith framed a statute that 
''anyone who should dare to marry a queen dow- 
ager of these realms without the consent of king 
and council should be considered an outlaw and 
a traitor/' Spies were placed about the queen ; 
but they either failed to discover anything un- 
usual, or were bribed to secrecy: for the fact of 
the clandestine marriage was not really established 
until shortly before her death. When it became 
known, there must have been a terrible storm 
in the royal circle, for Owen was arrested and 
sent to Newgate, and the queen banished to 
Bermondsey Abbey,^ where she died, six months 

1 Parliamentary History, vol. ii., p. 211. 

2 Among the statutes of the foundation of Bermondsey 
Abbey was one whereby certain apartments were to be 
reserved for members of the royal family in case of sickness, 
the monks having a great reputation as skilful leeches and 

xxvi 



The Origin of the House of Tudor 



later, on January i, 1447, of a lingering illness 
and a broken heart. Katherine de la Pole, Abbess 
of Barking, took charge of the children, but she 
did not reveal their existence to Henry VI till 
some months after the queen's decease, and 
then '' only because she needed money for their 
sustenance/' 

Meanwhile the London Chronicle, a most 
valuable contemporary document, thus relates 
the subsequent misadventures of the unfortunate 
Owen: '* This year [1447] one Owen Twyder, 
who had followed Henry V to France, broke out 
of Newgate at searching time, the which Owen 
had privately married Queen Katherine and had 
four children by her, unknown to the common 
people until she was dead and buried." Owen 
Tudor was three times imprisoned for marrying 
the queen, but each time he contrived to baffle 
the vigilance of his gaolers, only, however, to be 
promptly recaptured. As years went by, he came 
to be received into a certain measure of favour 
by his stepson, the king; and he fought so valiantly 
for the Lancastrian cause at Northampton, in 
1460, that the king made ''his well beloved 
squire Owen Tudyer " [szc] keeper of his parks 
in Denbigh, Wales.^ 

Later on, at the battle of Mortimer's Cross, 

doctors, a fact which accounts for this queen and for Eliza- 
beth Woodville and other royal ladies being permitted to 
reside at times in a monastery inhabited by monks. 
^ Fosdi, vol. X., p. 354. 

xxvii 



The Origin of the House of Tudor 

he again unsheathed his Agincourt sword in the 
Lancastrian cause, but, being taken prisoner by 
Edward IV, he was beheaded in Hereford mar- 
ket place. Many years later,- by a strange and 
romantic concatenation of events, Edward's eldest 
daughter, Elizabeth, married the fallen Owen's 
grandson, Henry VH, thereby becoming the first 
queen of England of the Tudor line, and the great- 
grandmother of the Ladies Jane, Katherine and 
Mary Grey. 

There was, it seems, a rugged grandeur about 
Owen Tudor, which stood him in lieu of gentle 
accomplishments. The physical power, persistent 
obstinacy and bluff address of his royal de- 
scendants may indeed have been derived from 
this fine old warrior; and from him surely it 
was that they inherited the magnificent personal 
appearance, the lofty stature, the fair complexion 
and leonine locks, that distinguished them from 
the dark but equally splendid Plantagenets. 
May we not also justly conclude that their vio- 
lent passions were an inheritance transmitted to 
them by the amorous Katherine and her vicious 
mother? — passions which played so fateful a 
part in the tragic stories of Lady Katherine and 
Lady Mary Grey — the two younger sisters of the 
unfortunate '' Nine-days' Queen," Lady Jane 
Grey. 

Soon after Queen Katherine's decease, Henry VI 
brought his Tudor brethren into the royal circle. 
When the eldest, Edmund of Hadham, grew to 
xxviii 




{To face p. xxviii 
MARGARET BEAUFORT, COUNTESS OF RICHMOND 
{From Natio7ial Portrait Gallery) 



The Origin of the House of Tudor 

manhood, he created him Earl of Richmond 
(November 23, 1452), with precedence of all 
other earls. This stalwart nobleman married 
the dwarfish Princess Margaret Plantagenet, 
Countess of Beaufort, great-granddaughter of 
John of Gaunt by his last wife Catherine Swynford, 
and daughter and heiress of the last Duke of 
Somerset of the first creation. He was one of 
the pillars of the Lancastrian party, lending 
great help at the temporary restoration of 
Henry VI; afterwards, under Edward IV, he 
was compelled, with other Lancastrians, to seek 
safety in Brittany. He died shortl}^ after his 
return to England, within a year of his marriage, 
leaving a son, who succeeded to his father's title 
of Earl of Richmond, and eventually became 
King Henry VII. Edmund's next brother, Jasper 
of Hatfield, so called from the place of his birth, 
was raised at the same time to the rank of Earl 
of Pembroke. He was with his father at the 
battle of Mortimer's Cross ; but escaped, and later, 
at the accession of Henry VII, he was created 
Duke of Bedford in the place of George Nevill, 
elder brother of the famous '* Kingmaker," whose 
titles and lands were confirmed in his favour. He 
died young in 1456 and was buried in St. David's 
Cathedral. He never married, but left an illegiti- 
mate daughter, who became the wife of William 
Gardiner, a citizen of London. Stephen Gardiner, 
Bishop of Winchester, was reputed to be their 
son. Owen, third son of Katherine of Valois and 



The Origin of the House of Tudor 

Owen Tudor, embraced the religious life and lived 
a monk, at Westminster, into the first half of the 
sixteenth century. Their only daughter — who was 
blessed with the curious name of Tacina, and whose 
existence is ignored by most historians — married 
Lord Grey de Wilton, an ancestor of the ill- 
fated subjects of this book. 

It is worthy of note that whereas most of the 
Tudor Princes were very tall, several of them, 
thanks to a well-known law of atavism, reverted 
to the tiny type of their ancestress, Margaret 
Plantagenet. Mary I was a small woman, and 
the three sisters Grey were not much above the 
height of average-sized dwarfs. 



CHARLES BRANDON, DUKE 
OF SUFFOLK 



CHAPTER 1 

CLOTH OF FRIEZE 

It is a remarkable fact that, although Charles 
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, was, after Thomas 
More, Wolsey and the king himself, the most con- 
spicuous personage at the court of Henry VHI, 
no authoritative biography of him exists, unless 
indeed it be a short, but very unimportant, mono- 
graph (written in Latin, at the end of the sixteenth 
century) now in the King's Library at the 
British Museum. Suffolk outlived nearly all his 
principal contemporaries, except the king and 
the Duke of Norfolk, and his career, therefore, 
runs almost parallel with that of Henry VHI, 
whom he attended in nearly every event of im- 
portance, from boyhood to death. Brandon 
predeceased the king by only a few months. In 
person, he bore so striking a resemblance to 
Henry, that the French, when on bad terms with 
us, were wont to say that he was his master's 
bastard brother. The two men were of the same 
towering height, but Charles was, perhaps, the 
more powerful ; at any rate, King Henry had 

B2 3 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

good cause, on one occasion, to admit the fact, 
for Brandon overthrew and sUghtly injured him 
in a wrestUng match at Hampton Court. Both 
king and duke were exceedingly fair, and had 
the same curly, golden hair, the same steel-grey 
eyes, planted on either side of an aquiline nose, 
somewhat too small for the breadth of a very large 
face. In youth and early manhood, owing to the 
brilliancy of their pink-and- white complexions, 
they were universally considered extremely 
handsome, but with the advent of years they 
became abnormally stout, and vainly tried to 
conceal their fat, wide cheeks, and double chins, 
with beards and whiskers. A French chronicler, 
speaking of Charles Brandon at the time that he 
was in Paris for the marriage of Mary Tudor to 
Louis XII, says he had never seen so handsome a 
man, or one of such manly power who possessed so 
delicate a complexion— ;'os^ et hlanc tout comme 
une fille. And yet he was not the least effemi- 
nate, for of all the men of his day, he was the 
most splendid sportsman, the most skilful in the 
tilt-yard, and the surest with the arrow. He 
danced so Hghtly and so gracefully that to 
see him was a sight in which even Henry VIII, 
himself an elegant dancer, delighted. 

Unfortunately, so many physical advantages 
were not allied to an equal number of virtues; 
4 




{^To face p. 4 
CHARLES BRANDON, DUKE OF SUFFOLK 
{From a)i engraving; after the original in the collection of 
His firace the Duke of Bedford) 



Cloth of Frieze 



and here again, the resemblance between King 
Henry and his bosom friend is extraordinary. 
Both were equally cruel, selfish and unscrupulous, 
and both entertained the same loose ideas as to 
the sanctity of marriage — -with this difference, 
however, that whereas King Henry usually di- 
vorced one wife before he took another, Charles 
had two wives living at one and the same time, 
from neither of whom was he properly divorced ! 
What is most singular, too, is that he ventured to 
marry the king's sister whilst his first wife was 
still living, and not as yet legally separated from 
him, whereby he might easily have been hauled 
before a justice as a bigamist, and his offspring 
by a princess of the blood royal of England, and 
dowager queen of France to boot, been declared 
illegitimate. 

In addition to his great strength and excep- 
tional ability as a commander, both on land and 
sea, Suffolk possessed a luxuriant imagination, 
which delighted in magnificent pageantry. In 
the halcyon days of Henry's reign, long before 
the fires of Smithfield had shed their lurid glow 
over the city, Suffolk and his master devised 
sports and pastimes, masques and dances, to 
please the ladies.^ Once he entered the tilt-yard 
dressed as a penitent, in a confraternity robe and 
1 See Holinshed's Chronicles. 
5 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

cowl of crimson velvet, his horse draped in cardi- 
nal-coloured satin. Assuming a humble attitude, 
he approached the pavilion in which sat the king 
and Queen Katherine, and in a penitential whine, 
implored her grace's leave to break a lance in 
her honour. This favour being granted, he threw 
back his cloak, and appeared, a blaze of cloth 
of gold, of glittering damascened armour and 
sparkling jewels, to break sixteen lances in honour 
of the queen. Again, when Queen Mary was his 
bride, and the court went a-maying at Shooters 
Hill, he devised a sort of pastoral play, and with 
Jane Grey's paternal grandfather, Thomas, Marquis 
of Dorset, disguised himself and his merry men 
as palmers, in gowns of grey satin with scallop- 
shells of pure gold and staves of silver. The 
royal guests having been duly greeted, the palmers 
doffed their sober raiment and appeared, garbed 
in green and gold, as so many Robin Hoods. 
They then conducted their Majesties to a glade 
where there were '' pastimes and daunces," and, 
doubtless, abundant wine and cakes. Much later 
yet, Brandon went, in the guise of a palmer, with 
Henry VHI, to that memorable ball given by 
Wolsey at Whitehall, at which Anne Boleyn won 
the heart of the most fickle of our kings. 

The last half of the fourteenth century wit- 
nessed the beginning of the dechne of feudahsm 

6 



Cloth of Frieze 



in England. The advance of education, and 
consequently of civilization, had by this time 
largely developed the commercial and agricultural 
resources of the country, and the yeoman class, 
with that of the country gentry, had gradually 
come into being. At the Conquest, the majority 
of the lands owned by the Saxons — rebels to 
Norman force— were confiscated and handed over 
to the Conqueror's greater generals : to such men 
as William, Earl of Warren, or Quarenne, who 
seated himself in East Anglia, having, as his prin- 
cipal Norfolk fortress, Castleacre Castle, on the 
coast, not far from East Dereham. Its pictur- 
esque ruins still tower above those of the magni- 
ficent priory that the great William de Warren 
raised, ''to the honour of God and Our Lady,'' for 
monks of the Cluniac branch of the Benedictine 
Order. This Earl of Warren, who was overlord 
of a prodigious number of manors and fiefs in 
East Anglia, numbered, among the bonny men 
who came out of Picardy and Normandy in his 
train, two stalwart troopers : one haled from 
Boulogne-on-the-Sea, so tradition says — and is 
not tradition unwritten history ? — and was known 
as ** Thomas of Boulogne"; he settled at Sale, 
near Aylsham, in Norfolk, and was the progenitor 
of the Boleyns or Bullens, whose surname is an 
evident corruption of de Boulogne; the other 
7 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

dropped his French patronym, whatever it was, 
and assumed the name of Brandon, after a Httle 
West Suffolk border town, in the immediate 
vicinity of the broad and fertile lands he had 
acquired. 

These Brandons, then, had lived on their farm 
near Brandon for about four centuries, deriving, 
no doubt, a very considerable income from the 
produce of their fields and from their cattle. 
It is certain that they sent several members of 
their family to the Crusades; that one of them 
followed the Black Prince to Poitiers, and that 
yet another, a trooper, it is true, died on the 
field of Agincourt.^ Somewhere in the last quarter 
of the fourteenth century, William, the then head 
of the family, apprenticed his son Geoffrey to a 
rich mercer of Norwich, a great commercial centre 
in those days, next to London and Bristol in 
importance, and doing what we should now call 
a "roaring trade'' with Flanders, and through 
Flanders, with Venice and Florence, and even with 
the East. This Norwich Brandon having made 
a fortune, was seized with an ambition to attain 
still greater wealth and station for his son and 

1 These facts concerning the Brandons and the Bullens are 
derived from notes supplied me many years ago by the emi- 
nent Norfolk historian, my old and valued friend, A. Carthew, 
whose history of the hundred of Launditch is one of the most 
extraordinary volumes of its sort in existence. 
8 



cloth of Frieze 



heir William; and hence it came about, that near 
the time King Henry VI ascended the throne, 
young Brandon arrived in London, apprenticed 
to a firm of mercers established near Great 
St. Helen's, Bishopsgate Street. He was a pushing, 
shrewd, energetic, and very unscrupulous knave, 
who soon acquired great influence in the city 
and amassed corresponding wealth. Finally, he 
became sheriff, and was knighted by Henry VI. 
He purchased a large property in Southwark, and 
built himself a mansion, later known as Suffolk 
Court. During the Wars of the Roses he allied him- 
self at first with the Yorkists, and lent Edward IV 
considerable sums of money, which, according 
to Paston, that monarch dishonestly refused to re- 
pay. This drove William to cast his fortunes with 
the Lancastrians and largely assist Henry VII, 
then simply Earl of Richmond, both with money 
and men, and so was held in high esteem by 
that monarch till his death, in the twelfth year 
of Henry's reign. William Brandon married 
Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Robert Wingfield of 
Letheringham, whose mother was the daughter 
and co-heir of Sir Robert Goushall, the third 
husband of the dowager Duchess of Norfolk, widow 
of the first duke, who, dying in exile in Venice, 
was buried in the magnificent church of San 
Giovanni e Paolo. Even thus early, we see a 
9 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Brandon, the great-grandson of a Suffolk farmer, 
connecting himself with the noble houses of 
Wingfield, Fitzalan and Howard.^ 

At one time this gentleman was on very inti- 
mate terms with the renowned Sir John Paston, 
whose Letters throw so much light on the manners 
and customs of the age in which he lived; but 
the cronies fell out over some matter of business 
connected with Paston's claim to the possession 
of Caistairs Castle, in which transaction, Paston 
declares, Brandon behaved like a blackguard — 
indeed, King Edward, to whom appeal was made, 
listed him as a *' lyre/' During their intimacy, 
Paston, possibly over a tankard of ale at a merry 
dinner or supper party, had made some irreverent 
and coarse remarks about her grace of Norfolk, 
in the presence of Lady Brandon, who was the 
duchess's grand-daughter. He had poked fun 
at the poor lady's appearance when on the eve 
of adding her tribute to the population. Paston 
has recorded what he said, and it must be 

1 Elizabeth, Duchess of Norfolk, was the daughter and 
heiress of Richard Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel and Surrey. 
Her first husband was Robert, Duke of Norfolk, who died in 
Venice; her second. Sir Gerald Ufflete. A year after his 
death she took, for a third husband. Sir Robert Goushall, by 
whom she had a daughter who became the wife of Sir Robert 
Wingfield of Letheringham; it is this lady's second daughter, 
Elizabeth, who married Sir William Brandon, the grand- 
father of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. 
10 



Cloth of Frieze 



confessed, that if Lady Brandon did repeat his 
vulgar jest to her august relation, that lady had 
every reason to feel indignant at such familiarity. 

Whether it was repeated or not has never tran- 
spired, so perhaps we may suppose Lady Brandon 
was a prudent woman and kept her counsel. But 
Paston wrote to his brother to ask if he thought 
she might be trusted, or whether she was likely 
to have made mischief by repeating his ill-timed 
remarks to the duchess, her mother, adding a 
'' lye or two of her own to help it out.'' 

Sir William Brandon, eldest son of the first 
William, and father of Charles Brandon, was never 
knighted, although usually styled by courtesy 
** Sir.'' He married, when he was very young, 
Elizabeth, daughter and co-heir of Sir Henry 
Bruyn, or Brown,^ by his wife, Elizabeth Darcy.^ 
Sir William Brandon was standard-bearer to 
Henry VII at Bos worth Field, and there lost his 
life at the hand of Richard III, whilst gallantly 
defending his royal patron. Henry proved his 
gratitude by educating his only son, Charles, who, 
by his marriage with Mary Tudor, became the 
grandfather of Lady Jane Grey and her sisters 

^ Sir Henry Bruyn was a son of Sir Maurice Bruyn and of 
Elizabeth Radford. 

2 Elizabeth Darcy was the daughter of Sir Richard Darcy 
and Alice Fitzlangley, daughter and heiress of Henry Fitz- 
langley. 

H 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Katherine and Mary. Some historians have 
confused King Henry's standard-bearer with a 
younger brother, Thomas Brandon, who married 
Anne Fiennes, daughter of Lord Dacre and widow 
of the Marquis of Berkeley, but had no children. 
He looms large (in every sense of the word, being 
of great height and bulk) in all the tournaments 
and jousts held in honour of the marriage of 
Katherine of Aragon with Prince Henry. He 
died, a very wealthy man, at his London house, 
Southwark Place, in 1502. 

At four years of age the child Charles Brandon 
became playfellow to Arthur, Prince of Wales; 
but on the birth of the future Henry VIII, he was 
transferred to the younger prince as his com- 
panion. He may even have received his educa- 
tion with Henry, from Bernard Andre, historian 
and poet, or perhaps from Skelton, poet-laureate 
to Henry VII, who, with Dr. Ewes, had a con- 
siderable share in the instruction of the^ young 
prince. But there is reason to believe that 
Brandon, as a lad, did not spend so much time at 
court as has been generally stated, for his letters, 
phonetically spelt, in accordance with the fashion 
of his time, prove him to have spoken with a 
broad Suffolk accent; he must, therefore, have 
passed a good deal of his youth at Brandon, on 
the borders of Suffolk and Norfolk, where, 
12 



cloth of Frieze 



according to tradition, he was born. His letters, 
although the worst written and spelt of his day, 
are full, too, of East Anglianisms, which could 
only have been picked up by a man in his position 
through contact, in boyhood, with yokels and 
country-folk in general. 

Charles, who grew up to be a remarkably fine 
youth, tall and '* wondrous powerful,'' began life 
virtually as an attendant in the royal household, 
though, as already stated, in due time he became 
Henry's principal favourite and confidant. When 
little over twenty, he distinguished himself in a 
sea-fight off Brest, and was sent by Wolsey to 
join Henry VHI in his adventurous campaign 
to Therouanne. At the famous battle of the 
Spurs, he proved himself as brave a soldier as he 
had already shown himself to be a doughty sailor ; 
but for all this merit he can scarcely be de- 
scribed as an honest gentleman, especially where 
ladies are concerned, and his matrimonial adven- 
tures were not only strange and complicated, but 
also exceedingly characteristic of the times in 
which he lived. In 1505/6, Charles Brandon 
became betrothed,^ per verba de prcesenti, to a 
young lady of good family, Anne Browne, third 
daughter of Sir Anthony Binyon Browne, K.G., 
governor of Calais, and of his wife, the Lad}^ 
^ CoU. Coll. Julius, vols. ii. and vi. 
13 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Lucy Nevill, daughter and co-heiress of John 
Nevill, Marquis of Montagu, brother of the *' King- 
maker/' Richard, Earl of Warwick. In 1506/7 
this contract was set aside and the young gentle- 
man married Margaret, the mature widow of Sir 
John Mortimer of Essex ^ (will proved, 1505). 

1 The origin of this Lady Mortimer, who, for her sins and 
sorrows, yielded at a mature age to the blandishments of the 
very youthful Charles Brandon, has hitherto baffled the 
researches of historians. Quite by chance the writer dis- 
covered her identity. Happening one day to turn over the 
pages of Blomefield's invaluable History of Norfolk, under 
the heading " Inglethorpe " in the Lynn district, he found, 
included in the pedigree of the ancient family which gives its 
name to this manor, that of the Lady Mortimer. It appears 
that Sir Edmond de Bellasis, Lord of Inglethorpe or Ingaldes- 
thorpe, who died, seized of that manor, in the thirty-sixth 
year of Henry V's reign, was the last of his line. He had, 
by his wife, the Lady Joan de Boase, a daughter and heiress, 
Isabel, who married John Nevill, Marquis Montagu or 
Montacute, brother to the famous " Kingmaker," Richard 
Nevill, Earl of Warwick. This lady had two sons and five 
daughters. Her eldest son died in infancy, and the second, 
George, eventually followed the fortunes of his uncle, the 
Earl of Warwick, and rose, under Edward IV, to be Duke of 
Bedford, but was deprived of this title and of his estates by 
Richard III. He died without issue, bequeathing what 
remained of his fortune amongst his five sisters, one of 
whom, the Lady Margaret Nevill, married Sir John Mortimer, 
who, dying on the field of battle at Bosworth without issue, 
left her very richly dowered. Being considerably over forty 
when Charles Brandon was in his nineteenth year (it will be 
remembered that he was a mere child at the time of the battle 
of Bosworth), she fell a victim to the youth's fascinations, 
and married him, to the amazement of the Venetian ambas- 
sador, who comments upon the affair in a note to his govern- 

14 



Cloth of Frieze 



And now came trouble. The Lady Mortimer, 
nde Nevill (probably rather a tedious companion 
for so youthful a husband), was none other than 
the aunt of his first -fiancde, Anne Browne, her 
sister being the Lady Lucy Nevill, who, as stated 
above, was the wife of Sir Anthony Browne and 

ment, saying : " In this country [England] young men marry 
old ladies for their money, and here, for instance, is the Duke 
of Suffolk, who, at nineteen, married a lady, for her wealth, 
in whose house he dwelt, and who is old enough to be his 
grandmother." This Lady Mortimer had a sister, the Lady 
Lucy Nevill, who married Sir Anthony Browne, governor 
of Calais, and who was the mother of that Anne Browne, to 
whom Brandon was betrothed at the time of his marriage 
with the Lady Mortimer. To add to the confusion, it seems 
that Brandon's grandmother, Elizabeth Wingfield, had a 
youngest sister who married Robert Mortimer, brother to 
the above-named Sir John, and was therefore sister-in-law 
to the Lady Margaret Mortimer and Brandon's great-aunt. 
These alliances, at a time when not only consanguinity, but 
spiritual affinity, was taken into consideration in matters 
matrimonial, rendered it exceedingly easy for certain thought- 
lessly undertaken marriages to be annulled by the ecclesias- 
tical tribunals. 

There is in this pedigree another curious fact which tells 
indirectly upon the tragic history of the three sisters Grey, 
since it proves that there existed a connecting link between 
the Brandons and the Greys as far back as the beginning 
of the fifteenth century. The Lady Joan, widow of the last 
Lord Ingle thorpe, married the first Lord Grey de Ruthen, 
and thereby became the immediate ancestress of that Henry 
Grey who married Brandon's daughter by the French queen, 
the Lady Frances, and was the father of the three unfortunate 
sisters, Jane, Katherine and Mary Grey. This connection very 
probably led to the choice of Henry Grey as consort for the 
Lady Frances Brandon, Mary Tudor's eldest daughter. 

15 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

mother of Anne. Brandon, therefore, probably 
with the aid of Henry VIII, about 1507, after 
having squandered a good deal of her fortune, 
induced the Archdeacon of London (in compli- 
ance with a papal bull) to declare his marriage 
with Lady Mortimer null and void, on the grounds 
that : Firstly, he and his wife were within the 
second and third degrees of affinity; secondly, 
that his wife and the lady to whom he was first 
betrothed (Anne Browne) were within the pro- 
hibited degrees of consanguinity — i. e. aunt and 
niece; thirdly, that he was cousin once removed 
to his wife's former husband. After these pro- 
ceedings, he married, or rather re-married, in 
1 5 08/1 1, in '* full court," and in the presence of 
a great gathering of relations and friends — and 
not secretly, as usually stated — the aforesaid Anne 
Browne, by whom he had two daughters, the 
eldest being born so soon after wedlock as to give 
rise to unpleasant gossip, probably started by 
Lady Mortimer. Anne, Lady Brandon, did not 
long survive her marriage, for she died in 
1511/12 ; and in the following year (1513) her 
widower made a third attempt at matrimony, 
by a contract with his ward, the Lady Eliza- 
beth Grey, suo jure Baroness Lisle, who, born in 
1503/4, was only ten years of age ; but the negotia- 
tions failed, though Brandon had been granted 
16 



cloth of Frieze 



the viscounty of Lisle, which title he assumed 
(May 15, 1513). As this lady absolutely refused 
him, he surrendered the patent of the title of 
Lisle in favour of Arthur Plantagenet, illegitimate 
son of Edward IV and husband of Lady Elizabeth 
Lisle, the aunt and co-heiress of the young lady 
he had wished to make his bride, and who, being 
free, gave her hand to Courtenay, Earl of Devon, 
who presently became Marquis of Exeter. This 
above-mentioned aunt, the other Lady Elizabeth, 
had married, in 1495, Edmund Dudley, the 
notorious minister of Henry VII, and became, 
about 1502, mother of that John Dudley, Duke of 
Northumberland, who proved so fatal to Lady 
Jane Grey and her family. 

Whilst he was still plodding through the labyrinth 
of his matrimonial difficulties, early in 1513, 
Charles Brandon was entrusted with a diplomatic 
mission to Flanders, to negotiate a marriage be- 
tween Mary Tudor, the king's youngest sister, 
and the young Archduke Charles of Austria, 
Infante of Spain, the most powerful and richest 
prince in Europe. On this occasion he displayed 
his majestic and graceful figure to such advantage 
in the tilt-yard, that the demonstrative expres- 
sions of admiration which escaped the proposed 
bridegroom's aunt, Drayton's '' blooming duchess," 
the most high and mighty Princess Margaret, 

C ly 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Archduchess of Austria, dowager Duchess of 
Savoy, and daughter of the Emperor MaximiHan, 
evoked sarcastic comment from the illustrious 
company. 

On Brandon's return, Henry VIII, probably 
with a view to facilitating a possible aUiance 
between his favourite and the dowager of Savoy, 
to universal surprise and some indignation, created 
his '* well-beloved Charles Brandon,'' Duke of 
Suffolk, a title until quite recently held by the 
semi-regal, but dispossessed house of de la Pole,^ 
and further presented him with the vast terri- 
torial apanage of that family, which included 
Westhorpe Hall, near Bury St. Edmunds ; Donning- 
ton Castle, the inheritance of Chaucer's grand- 
daughter, the first Duchess of Suffolk ; Wingfield 
Castle, in Suffolk; Rising Castle in Norfolk; and 
Lethering Butley in Herefordshire.^ 

^ Reginald de la Pole, head of this great house, was 
beheaded on June 30, 15 13, for an alleged treasonable corre- 
spondence with his brother, then in the service of Louis XII, 
who, it was said, had threatened to assist in placing the " heir 
of the White Rose " (Perkin Warbeck) upon the English 
throne. 

2 Other lands and mansions assigned to Charles Brandon I 
from time to time were : the manors of Austin's and Gerard's 
in the parish of Darsham (Suffolk), given at the Dissolution; I 
Leiston Abbey (Suffolk), granted in 1536 — it is said that the I 
patronage of this abbey had been in the Brandon family! 
for generations, but Charles exchanged it with the Crown I 
for Henham Hall ; properties at Laxfield and Middleton in | 



Cloth of Frieze 



In the summer of 1513, while the king was 
sojourning at Tournay, he received a visit from 
the Archduke Charles of Castile and Austria, and 
his aunt, the Dowager Duchess of Savoy, Regent 
of the Netherlands. These august personages 
came to congratulate the English monarch on 
the capture of Tournay from their mutual enemy, 
Louis XI of France. At this time the Austro- 
Spanish archduke still hoped to secure the hand 
of the King of England's handsome sister, Mary 

Suffolk, attached to Leiston Abbey, granted to Brandon at 
the Dissolution ; the Priory of St. Mary of Mendham (Suffolk) , 
which came to Brandon through his fourth wife, Catherine, 
Lady Willoughby of Eresby, she being lineally descended 
from a sister of Sir William de Ufford, on whom it had been 
settled — Brandon conveyed it to one Richard Freston for 
an annual rent of forty pounds; the estate of Combs, which 
was an inheritance in the right of Catherine, Lady Willoughby, 
and eventually passed to her second husband, Richard Bertie, 
Esq.; Haughley Castle, manor and estate (Suffolk), an apan- 
age of the de la Poles; and Cavenham, granted to Suffolk 
on the attainder of the Duke of Buckingham. Strange to 
say, Suffolk rarely visited any of his numerous castles and 
manor-houses. He lived in London. His favourite country 
house was Westhorpe Hall; but he died at Guildford Castle, 
which did not belong to him. The estate in Southwark came 
to him in 1502 on the death of his uncle Thomas, who had 
inherited it in his turn from his grandfather, who died in 
1497. Charles so enlarged the house that it became a palace, 
second only in size and magnificence to the royal palace at 
Kennington. These facts prove — the majority of the his- 
torians of London to the contrary notwithstanding — that 
Suffolk Place was not a gift to Brandon from the king, but 
an inheritance from his forefathers. 

02 19 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Tudor, who had accompanied her brother to 
France. Henry did his best to ingratiate him- 
self with the regent, a handsome lady with a 
foolish whimpering expression, who, if we may 
judge her by her portrait in the Museum at Brus- 
sels, was most apt to credit anything and every- 
thing that flattered her fancy. The king and 
his favourites, indeed, to amuse her, behaved less 
like gentlemen than mountebanks. Henry danced 
grotesquely before her and played on the giltrone, 
the lute and the cornet for her diversion, and his 
boon companions followed their master's example 
and exhibited their accomplishments as dancers 
and musicians; The contemporary Chronicle of 
Calais contains a most amusing account of the 
way Henry and Charles made game of the poor 
dowager, who betrayed her too evident partiality 
for the latter. Brandon actually went so far on 
one occasion as to steal a ring from her finger; 
'*and I took him to laugh,'' says Margaret of 
Savoy, describing this incident,^ '' and said to 
him that he was un larron — a thief — and that I 
thought the king had with him led thieves out of his 
country. This word larron he could not under- 
stand." So Henry had to be called in to explain it 
to him. His Majesty next contrived a sort of love- 

1 British Museum, Titus B.I. 142; also, the Chronique de 
Calais, 71. 

20 




[ 7^1? face p. 20 



HENRY VIII AT THE AGE OF 53 
{From National Portrait Gallery) 



cloth of Frieze 



scene between the pair, in which he made Duchess 
Margaret a very laughing-stock, by inducing her 
to repeat after him in her broken Enghsh the 
most appaUing improprieties, the princess being 
utterly ignorant of the meaning of the words she 
was parroting. To lead her on, Suffolk, who was 
not a good French scholar, made answer, at the 
king's prompting, to the princess's extraordinary 
declarations, in fairly respectable French. At 
last, however, the good lady realized the situation, 
and, rising in dudgeon, declared Brandon to be 
''no gentleman and no match for her,'' ^ and thus 
he lost his chance, though he never lost, as we 
shall presently see, the great lady's friendship. 

This silly prank on the English king's part was, 
no doubt, the final cause of the rupture of the 
proposed alliance between Mary Tudor and the 
Archduke Charles of Castile. Be this as it may, 
it was at Tournay that Mary was reported to 
have first fallen a victim to the blandishments of 
Suffolk, who, while fooling the regent, was 
covertly courting bis dread patron's sister. He 
flattered himself that the king, loving him so 
tenderly as a friend, would readily accept him 
as a brother-in-law. In this he was mistaken. 
Henry had other views for Princess Mary's future; 

^ See the dowager's own narrative in the Chronique de 
Calais. 

21 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

and no sooner was the Austro-Spanish match 
broken off/ thanks to certain poHtical intrigues 
too lengthy and intricate to recapitulate here, 
than he set to work to arrange a marriage between 
Mary and King Louis XII/ who, although gener- 
ally described as '' old,'' was at this time not more 
than fifty-three years of age. His appearance, 
however, was most forbidding; he suffered from 
the deformity of elephantiasis, and was scarred by 
some scorbutic disease, '' as if with small-pox/' ^ 

^ Mary openly renounced her contract with Prince Charles 
of Castile on July 30, 1514, at Wanstead, in the presence of 
Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, Brandon, and the Bishops of 
Lincoln, Winchester and Durham. 

2 Louis's queen, Anne of Brittany, had died, '* utterly 
lamented," on January 9, 1514. 

2 Louis himself told the English ambassadors that ** he 
was a sickly body, and not fond of having curious eyes about 
him." Peter Martyr says he suffered from elephantiasis and 
bore signs of premature senility. See Fleming's Chronicles; 
the Calendar of State Papers; and Peter Martyr's Epistles^ 
541- 



22 



CHAPTER II 

THE FRENCH MARRIAGE 

The negotiations for this incongruous marriage, 
which united, for the first time since the Norman 
Conquest, a British princess to a French king, 
proceeded very slowly, for Henry knew well that 
his sister would reluctantly sacrifice her youth 
to so ugly and sickly a bridegroom : thus, accord- 
ing to the late Major Martin Hume, the first inti- 
mation of the proposal Mary received was not 
until after a tournament held at Westminster 
on May 14, 1514. 

This tournament, in the open space between the 
ancient Palace and the Abbey, was magnificent 
in the extreme. Never before had there been 
seen in England so many silken banners, canopies, 
and tents of cloth of silver and gold. Queen 
Katherine of Aragon watched the tilting from a 
pavilion of crimson damask, embroidered with 
golden pomegranates, the emblems of her native 
country. Beside her sat Princess Mary, a pink- 
and-white beauty, with hair of amazing length 
shimmering down her back, and held in position 
23 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

by a band of jewels that encircled her graceful 
head. Behind the princess many great ladies 
occupied the roomy chairs of state — the Countess 
of Westmorland and her lovely Nevill daughters, 
the Lady Paulet, the Lady of Exeter, the Lady 
de Mowbray, the Duchess of Norfolk, the Lady 
Elizabeth Boleyn, sister of the Duke of Norfolk 
and mother of the future Queen Anne, the ** old 
Lady '' of Oxford, and the Princess Margaret 
Plantagenet, that fated Countess of Salisbury who 
in after years was hacked to death by order of 
her most affectionate nephew. King Henry VIII, 
now in the full bloom of early manhood. There 
was a great nodding of glittering hoods and rustling 
of silken gowns, and whispering and tittering 
amongst this bevy of high and mighty dames, 
unto whom many a gallant knight and lordly 
sire conveyed his homage and the latest gossip 
of the day. Over the multi-coloured crowd fell 
the golden haze of a lovely October afternoon. 
Farther away from the throng of lords and ladies, 
the hearty citizens of London pressed against the 
barriers, whilst rich burghers, and British and 
foreign merchants, with their wives and daughters, 
filled the special seats allotted to them, that com- 
manded a finer view of the towers of Westminster 
than did the richer canopies of the court folk. 
Itinerant vendors of sweetmeats, apples, nuts 
24 



The French Marriage 



and cakes, hawked their wares up and down the 
free spaces, whilst ballad-mongers sang — or rather 
shouted — their ditties, just as their descendants 
do, whenever there is a show of sport or pastime 
in our own day. Men and maidens cheered 
lustily as knight after knight, armed cap-a-pie, 
pranced his steed before the delighted specta- 
tors, even as we parade our horses before the race 
at Epsom, Sandown or Ascot. 

The expressed hope was, of course, that the 
English knights should vanquish the French noble 
prisoners who had been set at liberty shortly before 
the tilt, so that they might join in the sport. 
The champions among them were the Due 
de Longueville and the Sire de Clermont. The 
trumpets sounded, a hush fell upon the noisy 
gathering, all eyes were turned in one direction, 
as two stalwart champions entered the lists. 
They were garbed as hermits, the one in a 
black satin cloak with a hood, the other in a 
white one. With all the punctilious observance 
demanded by established rule and etiquette, these 
hermits, who rode mighty chargers caparisoned in 
silver mail, advanced towards the royal pavilion 
and made obeisance. On a sudden, off fell their 
cloaks and hoods, to reveal the two handsomest 
men in Europe, to boot, Henry, King of England, 
and Charles, Duke of Suffolk, clad from head to 
25 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

foot in silver armour, damascened in gold by 
Venetian armourers. Long white plumes flowed 
from the crests of their gilded helmets. Behind 
the British champions rode two other fine fellows, 
bearing standards on which figured in golden 
letters the motto : '' Who can hold that will 
away? " On reading this motto, the fair bent, 
the one to the other, to discuss its meaning. Did 
it refer to the young King of Castile and Flanders; 
or to the fact that Charles Brandon, as it was 
whispered about, was venturing to raise his eyes 
so high as to meet those of the Emperor Maximi- 
lian's daughter, Margaret of Austria ? It was said, 
too, that the Lady Mary, the king's sister, liked 
not the motto; for even then she had conceived 
a wild though secret passion for the splendid son 
of a Suffolk squire. 

The English (God and St. George be praised !) 
won the day; the Due deLongueville was defeated 
'* right honourably,'' and so, too, was the Sire 
de Clermont. The silken kerchief, the gilded cup 
and the wreath of laurel were for Charles Brandon ; 
and the princess, the Beauty Queen of the day, 
presented them to him as he knelt before her. 
Katherine of Aragon bestowed the second prize, 
a cup of gold, on her husband, who had van- 
quished Clermont. 

Immediately after the jousts, Mary Tudor 
26 



The French Marriage 



learnt, to her exasperation, that her hand was 
destined, not for the Spanish prince, the future 
Emperor Charles V, nor for the Suffolk gentle- 
man, but for the decrepit and doomed King of 
France. She was too much of a Tudor to accept 
her fate with meekness, and King Henry soon 
found he had set himself a difficult task to con- 
ciliate his sister, and obtain her consent to what 
was even then considered a monstrous match. 
She swore she would not marry his French 
majesty, unless her brother gave her his solemn 
promise that she should marry whom she listed 
when she became a widow. The king answered 
that, by God ! she might do as she listed, if only 
she pleased him this time. He urged that King 
Louis was prematurely aged, and not likely, 
so he had been told, to live many months. 
Besides, he was passing rich, and the princess 
would have more diamonds, pearls and rubies 
than she had hairs on her head. Henry even ap- 
pealed to her patriotism. England needed peace ; 
the prolonged wars between France and England 
had exhausted both, and it was deemed advisable 
that the French should be made to understand, 
by this happy event, that the enmity which had 
existed so long had ceased at last. It was to be 
a thorough entente cordiale on both sides. None 
the less, when they got to know of it, both the 
27 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

English and the French cracked many an in- 
deUcate jest over this unnatural alliance. The 
bride, it will be remembered, was still in her 
teens, and beautiful : the bridegroom-elect was 
fifty-three and looked twenty years older, the 
most disfiguring of his complication of loathsome 
diseases being, as we have seen, elephantiasis, 
which had swollen his face and head so enormously 
that when, on her arrival in France, Mary first 
beheld her future consort, she drew back, with 
an unconcealed cry of horror. For some days 
Mary seemed obdurate, despite Henry's promise 
that, on the death of the French king, she might 
marry whom she listed. But at last she allowed 
her brother's persuasive arguments to prevail, 
so that, dazzled by the prospect of becoming the 
richest and grandest princess in Europe, she finally, 
but reluctantly, consented to marry King Louis. 
The '' treaty of marriage '' between Louis XII 
and Mary Tudor was signed at London by the 
representatives of both parties on August 7 
(1514) ; and the marriage by proxy, according to 
the custom of the time, took place in the Grey 
Friars' Church at Greenwich, before Henry VIII, 
Katherine of Aragon, the Archbishop of Canter- 
bury, the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the 
Bishops of Winchester and Durham, and others, 
on August 13. The recently liberated Due de 
28 



The French Marriage 



Longueville represented the French king, whereas 
the Duke of Orleans gave the bride the ring; 
afterwards the primate pronounced a brief pane- 
gyric of the young queen's virtues, and those of 
her august spouse, whom he described as the 
best and greatest prince in Europe. 

The bride left England's shores on October 2, 
after a tearful leave-taking of her brother and 
sister-in-law, King Henry and Queen Katherine. 
The chronicles of those far-off times, ever delight- 
ing in giving the minutest details, inform us that 
she was '' terrible sea-sick " before she arrived 
at Boulogne, where a pious pageant had been 
prepared to greet her. Above the drawbridge of 
the port, suspended in mid-air, was a ship, painted 
with garlands of the roses of England mingled 
with the fleur-de-lys of France, and bearing the 
inscription, Un Dieu, Un Roy, Une Foy, Une 
Loy : '' One God, One King, One Faith, One Law." 
In this ship stood a young girl — '' dressed like the 
Virgin Mary,'' as the chronicler tells us — together 
with two winged children, supposed to be angels. 
The young lady represented Notre Dame de Bou- 
logne, the patroness of the city, and bore the 
civic gift, destined for the princess, consisting of 
a silver swan, whose neck opened, to disclose a 
golden heart weighing sixty ^cus. So violently 
raged the storm, that the heavy vessel, instead 
29 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

of riding gracefully into the harbour, stuck on 
a sandbank, and the future Queen of France, 
dripping with sea-water, had to be carried 
ashore by Sir Christopher Gervase. On reach- 
ing land, she was met by the Heir Presumptive 
of her new dominions, Frangois, Due de Valois, 
the Dukes of Alengon and Bourbon, and the 
Counts de Vendome, de Saint-Pol, and de Guise, 
supported by the Abbots of Notre Dame and of 
St. Wulmer, accompanied by their monks wearing 
copes, and bearing, enclosed in gold and silver 
shrines, all the relics from their respective churches. 
In the presence of this goodly company, the ship 
containing the aforesaid representative of Our 
Lady of Boulogne was lowered to the ground, 
and the young lady addressed the princess *' en 
rhetoricque,'/ otherwise French verse, welcoming 
her to Boulogne, and presenting her with the city's 
gift. Mary then proceeded to the Church of 
Notre Dame, and after praying there awhile, she 
was, so says our chronicler, '' agreeably occupied 
in admiring all the rich and royal offerings that 
formed the principal attraction of the Church." 
And gorgeous and wonderful indeed must it 
have been, before the vandal greed of King 
Henry's troops had sacked the shrine. The 
Treasury contained nearly a hundred gold and 
silver reliquaries, eighteen great silver images, 
30 



The French Marriage 



most of them containing relics, '' eleven hearts 
and a great number of arms and legs, both in 
gold and silver '' (votive offerings), twenty dresses 
and twelve mantles of very precious stuffs, '' for 
the use of the holy Image/' The altar of the 
Blessed Virgin was especially magnificent. Seven 
lamps, four in silver and the rest of gold, burnt 
incessantly before the Madonna, who held in one 
hand a golden heart, whilst the other supported 
a figure of the Infant Jesus, who clasped in His 
chubby hand a bouquet of '' golden flowers," 
amongst which was '' a carbuncle of a prodigious 
bigness''; the pillars and columns round this 
altar were sheathed in ''blades of silver": ''in 
short," says the chronicler, " everything which 
was ' in this chapel could challenge comparison 
with the richest and most renowned objects that 
antiquity ever had." Such was the splendour 
that enchanted and bewildered our Princess 
Mary, who after offering to Our Lady of Boulogne 
a gift consisting of " a great arm of silver, enamelled 
with the arms of France and England, and weigh- 
ing eight marcs," proceeded on her way to Abbe- 
ville, near which city she was met, in the forest 
of Ardres, by King Louis, mounted on a charger 
and attended by a glittering train of lords and 
attendants. 
To the young and beautiful Mary, who had 
31 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

only just recovered from a violent sea-sickness, 
this first meeting with her future lord and master 
must indeed have been painful. As she after- 
wards admitted, she had never before seen a 
human being so horribly ugly. It is not there- 
fore to be wondered at that she should have uttered 
the exclamation of horror above mentioned. 
King Louis, for his part, was in the best of 
humours; never merrier. He was very plainly 
dressed, and was evidently bent on correcting, by 
his munificence and good temper, whatever un- 
favourable impression might be created by his 
unfortunate appearance. Before arriving at the 
place of meeting. Princess Mary had changed her 
travelling gown for a weighty robe covered with 
goldsmith's work *' like unto a suit of armour.'' 
So awkward and stiff was this costume, that 
when the princess, in accordance with etiquette, 
attempted to descend from her litter to bend the 
knee before her royal spouse, she found she was 
unable to do so, and was in great distress until 
the deformed king gallantly begged her not to 
attempt so complicated a manoeuvre, and won a 
grateful smile from his embarrassed bride. 

The marriage took place on Monday, October 9 

(1514), at Abbeville, in the fine old Church of 

St. Wolfran, and is one of the most gorgeous 

functions recorded of those pageant-loving times. 

32 



The French Marriage 



Something mysterious must have happened at 
Abbeville, for, according to the Bishop of Asti, 
the marriage was consummated by proxy — a 
weird ceremony in which the Marquis de Rothelin 
(representing King Louis), fully dressed in a red 
suit, except for one stocking, hopped into the 
bride's bed and touched her with his naked leg; 
and the '' marriage was then declared consum- 
mated." Possibly, considering the rickety state 
of his health, this was all the married life, in its 
more intimate form, that, fortunately, Mary Tudor 
ever knew so long as Louis XII lived. As an 
earnest of his affection, however, the sickly king 
presented his spouse with a collection of jewels 
a few days after the marriage, amongst these being 
*' a ruby almost two inches long and valued at 
ten thousand marks.'' 

In the meantime, there had been some un- 
pleasantness between the French monarch and the 
Earl of Worcester, the English ambassador, 
about the presence in France of one of the queen's 
maids, Mistress Joan Popincourt. The question 
of her fitness to accompany the princess was 
first raised before Mary left our shores, to reach 
its culminating point whilst the new queen was 
resting at Boulogne, at which time King Louis 
(then at Abbeville) had an interview with 
Worcester on the subject. The trouble is said 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

to have originated in the fact that Mistress 
Popincourt had behaved herself with considerable 
impropriety, — at least that was the accusation 
the English envoy laid before his majesty of 
France; but if we read between the lines of the 
letters and documents connected with this side- 
plot, we learn that it was Mistress Popincourt 
who had first attempted to negotiate the marriage 
of her mistress with King Louis by means of the 
Due de Longueville, whilst that nobleman was 
still imprisoned in the Tower of London. As the 
negotiations had succeeded, even through another 
medium, she considered herself entitled to some 
recompense for her share in the affair, and 
probably attempted to blackmail the king ; at any 
rate, for one reason or another, he was so furious 
with her, that on the occasion in question, he 
told Worcester never to '' name her any more 
unto me/' '' I would she were burnt,'' he added; 
*^ if King Henry make her to be burnt, he shall 
do but well and a good deed ! " Mary, however, 
held the recalcitrant Popincourt in the highest 
esteem. None the less. King Louis decided that 
she should be there and then sent back to Eng- 
land, but whether with a goodly recompense to 
soothe her disappointment is not recorded. 
Maybe she, who had done so much to further 
the royal match, found herself better off than 
34 



The French Marriage 



the other unfortunate attendants on Princess 
Mary, who, being dismissed after her arrival at 
Abbeville, were stranded, penniless. Some of 
these misguided ladies had, says Hall, '' been 
at much expense to wait on her [Princess Mary] 
to France, and now returned destitute, which 
many took to heart, insomuch some died by the 
way returning, and some fell mad/' ^ 

Evidently King Louis was determined not to 
have too many Englishwomen in attendance upon 
his wife, or, as he put it, '' to spy upon his actions," 
for fresh difficulties arose, even after the Popin- 
court incident was closed, and he and the princess 
had been united in matrimony. According to 
arrangement, certain of the queen's ladies were 
to return to England forthwith, but King Louis 
and his English monitor, the Duke of Norfolk, 
settled the matter by ordering that all Mary's 

1 Mary, however, with the kindness of heart which 
characterized her, saw that they eventually obtained some 
recognition of their services. According to documents in the 
French archives, her goldsmith, one William Verner, of Fleet 
Street, London, was ordered to prepare certain jewelry, to the 
value of six hundred gold crowns, to be disbursed as gifts to 
the impecunious gentlewomen dismissed in France. Amongst 
these valuable presents were a polished ruby and an emerald 
set in a gold cross, value two hundred ecus de soleil ; a diamond 
and sapphire set in a necklace, value three hundred crowns; 
and a table diamond worth one hundred crowns. The gems 
were to be worn at court, in order that all might see that 
the ladies had not been defrauded of their just dues. 
^2 35 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

train of young English gentlewomen and maidens, 
with the exception of the Lady Anne Boleyn ^ and 
of three others, were to return home. This was 
bad enough, but Mary was still more distressed to 
find that her confidential attendant and nurse. 
Mother Guildford, was very unceremoniously 
packed off with the rest. '' Moder '' or '' Mowder " 
Guildford, as the queen was pleased to call her, 
was the wife of Sir William Guildford, controller 
of the royal household, who eventually stood 
godfather to that unfortunate Guildford Dudley 
who became the husband of Lady Jane Grey. 
If we may believe King Louis, he had certainly 
some justification for wishing Lady Guildford 
out of his sight, since she exasperated him to such 
an extent that he told Worcester that *' rather 
than have such a woman about my wife, I would 
liever be without a wife. . . . Also,'' he con- 
tinued, '' I am a sickly body, and not at all times 
that I would be merry with my wife like I to have 
any strange woman with her, but one that I 
am well acquainted with, afore whom I durst be 

1 This Lady Boleyn is frequently described as the Lady 
Anne Boleyn who became Queen of England and died on the 
scaffold; but this is a popular error. Anne Boleyn was at 
this time in attendance on Queen Claude of France, and the 
Lady Anne Boleyn, her aunt, has been identified as the Lady 
Boleyn who was in attendance upon Mary at the time of her 
marriage with the French king. She was the wife of Sir 
William Boleyn and daughter of the Earl of Pembroke. 

36 



The French Marriage 



merry/' The king went on to pathetically relate 
the story of his own and his wife's sufferings under 
Lady Guildford's iron rule. *' For as soon as 
she came on land/' says he, *' and also when I 
was married, Lady Guildford began to take upon 
her not only to rule the queen, but also that she 
should not come to me, but she should remain 
with her, nor that no lad}/ or lord should speak 
with the queen but she [Lady Guildford] hear 
it. Withal she began to set a murmur and 
banding among the ladies of the French court." 
The '' Moder " Guildford episode induced Mary 
to write several letters home, one to Henry VIII 
and another to Wolsey, complaining of the treat- 
ment she had received with respect to the dis- 
missal of her attendants. In these she speaks 
in no measured terms of the Duke of Norfolk, 
who, as we have seen, had the matter in hand : 
** I would to God," she exclaims in the letter to 
Henry VIII, " that my Lord of York [Wolsey] 
had come with me instead of Norfolk, for then I 
am sure I should not have been left as I am now ! " 
In fact, she cast the whole blame of the incident 
on the shoulders of the Duke of Norfolk, whom 
she ever afterwards disliked for his share in it. 
Nevertheless, '' Mowder " Guildford was sent back 
to England, to the great distress and grief of her 
royal mistress, who was preparing to have a 
37 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

violent scene on the subject with her rickety 
husband, when the latter came into her chamber, 
accompanied by two attendants bearing a tray 
so heaped with rubies, diamonds and pearls, that 
the cloud of anger instantly passed from the 
queen's brow, and her sunny smiles beamed 
afresh, when she heard the politic and courteous 
monarch say, '* I have deprived you of one 
treasure, let me now present you with another." 
And then he placed a collar of immense pearls 
round her neck, and taking a heap of jewels in 
his big hands, dropped them into her lap. '' I 
will have no Guildfords, Popincourts, or other 
jades to mar my cheer or to stand betwixt me 
and my wife,'' he continued laughingly; ''but 
I intend to be paid for my jewels, and each kiss 
my wife gives me shall cost me a gem." On this 
the covetous Mary kissed him several times, to 
the number of eight, which he counted, and punctu- 
ally repaid by giving her eight enamelled buttons 
surrounded by large pearls. By this amorous 
playfulness, the astute Louis succeeded in making 
his queen so contented with her lot, that she 
presently told Worcester that *' finding she was 
now able to do as she liked in all things," she 
thought she was better without Lady Guildford, 
and would decline to have her back again in France. 
Mary not only forgave King Louis his share in the 

38 



The French Marriage 



business, but personally nursed him through an 
attack of gout, which beset him at Abbeville, 
and delayed the royal departure from that town 
until October 31, when the quaint cavalcade 
resumed its journey towards St. Denis. 

It was one continuous pageant in every village 
and town through which the royal cortege passed, 
between Abbeville and St. Denis. Even in villages 
and hamlets, children dressed as angels, with 
golden wings, met the fair queen, to present to 
her pretty gifts of fruit and flowers. It took 
the king and queen and their escort six days to 
reach St. Denis, spending the nights either in epis- 
copal palaces or in the splendid abbeys which 
lined the way. Although the French greeted 
the queen heartily, it was noticed that they 
** became overcast and sour " as they looked on 
the magnificent but defiant figure of the Duke 
of Suffolk, as he rode, in his silver armour, on 
the right side of the queen's litter, whilst on the 
left cantered that stalwart nobleman, Thomas 
Grey, first Marquis of Dorset, who was destined 
by a curious and unexpected event to become the 
grandfather of Her Majesty's ill-fated grand- 
children, the Ladies Jane, Katherine and Mary 
Grey. At last, early in the morning of Sunday, 
November 5, the English princess passed up the 
splendid nave of St, Denis, escorted by all that 
39 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

was highest and mightiest in French chivalry. 
The Due de Longueville, the Due d'Alengon, 
the Duke of Albany, Regent of Scotland, the 
Duke of Bourbon, and the Count de Vendome, 
preceded her, bearing between them the regalia. 
Mary followed, escorted by the Duke of Valois, 
and clothed in a mantle of cloth of gold. She 
wore such a prodigious quantity of jewels that a 
number of them had to be removed in the sacristy 
before she was able to proceed with the innumer- 
able ceremonies of the day. The new queen was 
anointed by the Cardinal de Pre, who also pre- 
sented her with the sceptre and '' verge of justice.'' 
When, after more ceremony than prayer, the 
cardinal had placed the crown of France upon 
her brow. Prince Francis of Valois led Her 
Majesty to a throne raised high above the choir, 
whence in solitary state she glanced down upon 
the throng of prelates, priests and noblemen 
and noblewomen who crowded the chancel and the 
altar-steps, and overflowed into the nave and 
transepts. There she sat alone, for weak and 
sickly King Louis could do no more than witness 
the coronation, contenting himself by obtaining 
a view of it from a small closet window above the 
high altar. 

The following day, at noon. Queen Mary passed 
on to Paris, whither King Louis had preceded 
40 



The French Marriage 



her earlier in the morning. On this occasion 
she did not occupy a htter, but rode by herself 
in a species of carriage designated *' a chaise or 
chair/' embellished with cloth of gold, and drawn 
by two milk-white horses with silver reins and 
harness. Her Majesty, all in white and gold, 
did not wear the crown of France, but merely 
a diadem of pearls, from beneath which streamed 
her luxuriant tresses. Pressing round the queen's 
chariot, rode the pick of the nobility of France, 
followed by the Scotch Guard and a detachment 
of German mercenaries. Pageants and allegories 
greeted the royal progress at every turn. When 
close to Paris, the queen's train was met by 
three thousand Parisian students, law officers 
and representatives of the city council, who 
chanted in chorus a quaint song, still extant, in 
which Mary is likened to the Queen of Sheba 
and Louis XII to King Solomon. Over the 
portcullis of the Porte St. Denis was erected 
a ship, containing ''mountebanks" representing 
Henry VIII in the character of Honour, and 
Princess Mary as Ceres, whilst an actor, wearing 
King Louis's own gorgeous robes, offered ''Ceres " 
a bunch of grapes, and was popularly held to 
personate Bacchus ! 

In the midst of what we should now consider 
a circus-like cavalcade, the queen, escorted by 
41 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

a thousand horsemen bearing flaring torches, 
passed round the quays of Paris, brilHantly 
illuminated for the occasion, to her resting-place 
at the Conciergerie, where, we are informed, she 
was so dead tired that, after the official reception 
by King Louis and subsequent banquet, she fell 
asleep and had to be carried to her nuptial chamber. 
Here, so it is stated. King Louis did not receive 
her, since he was fast asleep already in his own 
bedchamber at the Louvre, whither he had retired 
many hours earlier. He was awake pretty early 
the next day, for at nine o'clock he breakfasted 
with the queen, having previously presented her 
with a bouquet of gems, the flowers being made 
of coloured stones and the leaves of emeralds. 
The king never left his bride the whole of that 
day, and it was observed that whenever he gazed 
upon her, he would put his hand to his heart and 
heave a deep sigh. Nothing can be imagined 
more ludicrous, and at the same time more pathetic, 
than the ardour of this poor, hopelessly love-sick 
monarch for his beautiful wife, who, thorough 
Tudor as she was, never missed an opportunity 
of fleecing him of jewels and trinkets, to such an 
extent as at last to excite the indignation of the 
court. 

The coronation festivities closed with jousts 
in which '' my lorde a Sofehoke,'' as the Marquis 
42 



The French Marriage 



of Dorset calls him in a letter/ got '* a little hurt 
in the hand/' In this same epistle the marquis 
adds that King Louis considered that Suffolk and 
his English company '' dyd shame aule (all) 
Franse/' They did such execution indeed that, 
as the chroniclers complacently remark, *' at 
every course many dead were carried off without 
notice taken." The exasperation of the French 
against Suffolk grew so great — or was it due, as 
tradition suggests, to Francis of Valois's personal 
jealousy of the British duke ? — that they com- 
missioned, contrary to all etiquette of tourney, 
an abnormally powerful German trooper to kill 
him by treachery in the lists. Suffolk, however, 
saw through the mean trick, and refusing to 
treat such a ruffian according to chivalric rules, 
gripped him by the scruff of the neck, and 
punched his head with much heartiness, to the 
ill-concealed satisfaction of the spectators. 

It does not require much imagination to divine 
what were the thoughts of the lusty young queen, 
as she watched the prowess of her triumphant 
lover in the tilt-yard, and mentally contrasted 
his manly beauty with the wreck that was her 
husband, who lay on a couch at her side, '' grunt- 
ing and groaning.'' He, poor man, was ever 
graciously courteous, and expressed his delight 
1 British Museum, Caligula, D. vi. 192. 
43 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

whenever, in her enthusiasm, the lovely queen, 
regardless of etiquette, rose to her feet and leant 
over to applaud the British champions as they 
rode by her canopy of state. "Ma mie,'' cried 
old Louis, "your eyes brighten like stars when 
the English succeed. I shall be jealous." 
" Fie 1 " returned the queen with an arch smile, 
"surely there is no chance for the French to- 
day, since, fortunately for my countrymen, your 
majesty is too unwell to join in the fray ? " 

When the queen rose to return to the palace, 
the whole crowd burst into a storm of cheer- 
ing, crying: "Vive la Reine anglaise ! '' Mary's 
beauty was not the beauty of regularity of feature 
so often found in France, but of that rarer sort, 
peculiar to northerly regions, the beauty of 
the glorious colouring of the blended Tudor and 
Lancaster roses; so that when the queen 
pressed forward to the gorgeously decorated balus- 
trade and kissed her hands to the people, the 
enthusiasm of ses bons Parisiens passed all 
bounds ; and Mary Tudor's tact and grace won all 
hearts, when she insisted that the king should 
lean upon her arm to descend the stairway. 
Louise of Savoy, jealously noting all these things, 
said to herself: " EUe ira loin, celle-la''; and 
forthwith endeavoured to set her son, Francis of 
Valois, against the young queen, whereby she 
44 



The French Marriage 



only fanned his rising passion for her. If Queen 
Mary Tudor had managed in a few hours to 
captivate the Parisians, she failed to make a 
favourable impression upon the court of France. 
Her free and easy manner, her good nature, her 
pleasant smiles, and, above all, her astounding 
love of jewelry, were well calculated to stimulate 
jealousy and hatred. The game against her now 
began in earnest. Its object was to abstract the 
king from her influence. But Mary was a Tudor, 
and went ahead steadfastly, regardless of intrigues, 
quips and frowns ; and by a sheer display of good 
nature and the firm obstinacy peculiar to her race, 
succeeded in defeating her enemies, and having all 
things her own way. Possibly, in her heart of 
hearts, she rejoiced to think that she had an op- 
portunity of amassing great wealth by very easy 
means, and was buoyed up by her secret passion 
for the Duke of Suffolk, and the knowledge that, 
with a little patience, she would be able to claim 
him from her brother as a pledge of her good 
behaviour whilst occupying the difficult position 
of Queen of France. 

Mary, notwithstanding her overwhelming pas- 
sion for Suffolk, was by far the most amiable 
and respectable member of the Tudor family; 
she behaved with the utmost propriety while 
Queen of France, and her kindness to her infirm 
45 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

husband filled him with a hopeless but chivalrous 
passion, of which he gave practical expression by 
a boundless generosity^ that excited the jealousy 
of the rest of the French royal family and im- 
perilled the safety of his greedy queen. 

King Louis XII died on New Year's Day 1515, 
less than four months after his marriage, and his 
widow immediately retired to the Hotel de Cluny ^ 
to spend the first weeks of her widowhood in the 
rigorous seclusion imposed by the etiquette of 
the French court. She was obliged, according to 
custom, to dress herself entirely in white, and to 
remain the whole day long in a bed of state, 
draped with black velvet. The room was darkened, 
and only lighted with tapers of unbleached wax, 
whilst all the queen's meals were served on silver 
platters covered with black silk cloths and 
serviettes. 

In the meantime, Louise of Savoy, mother 
of the new king, Francis I, a most intriguing 

1 On October 13, 1514, Louis presented his queen with 
the already mentioned ruby valued at 10,000 marks. 

Mary was endowed by Letters Patent (Abbeville, Octo- 
ber 8, 1514) with the town and castlery of Caynone and its 
appurtenances, the castles of Saintonge, de Pezenas, etc. 
(R.O. Rymer xiii. 459.) 

2 This beautiful specimen of a Gothic palace of the four- 
teenth century was the town residence of the abbots of Cluny, 
and was lent to the queen dowager by the abbot of that 
day. The noble old building is still standing, and converted 
into a museum of mediaeval art. 

46 



The French Marriage 



princess, began to agitate for the return of the 
youthful dowager to England. She had made 
up her mind that Mary should not wed the Arch- 
duke Charles of Austria-Spain, who again came 
forward as a suitor, nor yet encourage the atten- 
tions of her own son, who had practically deserted 
his consort, Claude, daughter of the late king by 
his second wife, Anne of Brittany. The court 
astrologers had persuaded Francis that before 
many weeks were over, good Queen Claude, of 
greengage fame,^ stout, short, and very plain, 
would die, and that, as he was soon to become a 
widower, he might just as well begin his court- 
ship at once. The duchess-mother, well versed 
in the laxity of the age in which she lived, was 
terribly afraid Francis might attempt to set aside 
his wife, in order to marry the English widow, 
in which event Claude's rich heritage, the duchy 
of Brittany, would pass from the French Crown. 
She therefore resolved to get rid of Mary Tudor, a 
resolution strengthened by her well-founded con- 
viction that even in the early days of her mourning, 
Francis I had intruded into the widow's presence. 
At her first secret interview with the new king, 
Mary told him plainly that her heart already 

^ Queen Claude is said to have introduced greengages into 
northern France. They are still called prunes de la Reine 
Claude, 

47 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

belonged to Suffolk, and that she '' was resolved to 
marry none other/' She even reminded Francis 
of his own neglected consort, and he, instead 
of resenting this rebuff, promised to exert his 
influence to obtain Henry VIIFs consent to 
Mary's union with her lover. 



48 



CHAPTER III 

CLOTH OF FRIEZE WEDS CLOTH OF GOLD 

Henry VIH was accused, at the time, of 
having sent Suffolk as special ambassador, on 
the death of King Louis, in order to lure his sister 
back to England, with the object, as soon as he 
had her in his power, of re-opening negotiations 
for her marriage with the Archduke Charles of 
Castile/ If this was the case, he little understood 
his sister's character, for in her first interview with 
Suffolk she gave him to understand that she 
*' would not land in her brother's dominions 
except as his [Suffolk's] bride." According to 
the French contemporary historian Daniel,^ she 
even declared : *' If you do not court and wed me 
within four days I will not hold you for much of 
a man, and will stay abroad." The duke, much 
alarmed, remonstrated with her, objecting that 
so exalted an alliance might lead to his ruin both 
in France and England, seeing he was but '' base 

1 State Papers, Domestic Series, Henry VIII, vols. i. 
and ii. 

2 Ambassades frangaises (Angleterre) sous Frangois I 
{Henri VIII). Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. 

E 49 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

born''; and, he might have added, already 
married to no less than two wives, both still 
living. The young dowager of France, however, 
reminded him that '' when she married King 
Louis she had made it a condition that on becom- 
ing a widow she was to have full liberty to marry 
whom she chose, and she chose to marry none 
other than himself/' Whereupon Suffolk, as he 
subsequently informed his master, '' could but 
obey"; and, to use his homely expression, ^' she 
and I were married."^ 

Louise of Savoy's spies soon informed her that 
Mary and Suffolk were in constant communication 
with each other, and she was even informed that 

^ " When," says Suffolk, " I came to Paris, the queen was 
in hand with me the day after. She said * she must be short 
with me and show to me her pleasure and mind,' and so 
she began, and showed how good a lady she was to me, and 
if I would be ordered by her, she verily would have none but 
me." " An ever I come to England," said the youthful 
dowager to Suffolk, " I never shall have you, and therefore 
plainly an you marry me not now, I will never have you 
nor never come into England." Suffolk rephed, " You say 
that but to prove me withal." " I would but you knew 
well," answered Mary, " at your coming to Paris how it was 
shown to me." " I asked her," continued Suffolk, ** what 
that was ? " " The best in France has been with me," 
replied Mary. Here she clearly indicated Francis I, and 
from him she had intelligence which added to her excite- 
ment. "An I go to England," continued she to Suffolk, 
*' then I am sent to Flanders, and I would be torn to pieces 
rather than ever come there." '* And with that," pursues 
Suffolk, " she weeped as never I saw woman so weep." 

50 



cloth of Frieze weds Cloth of Gold 

the duke had been seen leaving her apartment at 
questionable hours. Seizing a favourable oppor- 
tunity when she knew the lovers to be together, 
the duchess threw open the door of the queen's 
closet and, it seems, discovered Her Majesty and 
her lover in so compromising a situation, that 
'' she ordered the startled couple into the chapel 
and then and there had them married by a priest 
who chanced to be saying Mass/' When Francis 
heard the wedding was well over, he did all in his 
power to propitiate his '' dearly beloved brother 
Henry Ylll." He was not very successful, how- 
ever, and Mary and her husband had to spend 
some weeks of terrible suspense, during which an 
astounding correspondence was kept up between 
them, Henry VHI, and Wolsey,^ one of Mary's 
staunchest friends, who consistently took her 
part. Most of Suffolk's letters are undated, and 
written in an almost illegible hand. Their tone 
is honest enough, but he takes good care not 
to allude to the fact that he had two wives 
living. In one missive, of a particularly con- 
fidential sort, he expresses fear that this royal 
marriage may ruin him; and adds : '' My Lord, as 
the reverence of God, help that I may be married 
as I go out of France openly for many things of 

1 For this remarkable correspondence see Colt. Col. (British 
Museum), Caligula, D. vi. 

E2 51 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

which I will advertise you." The queen's hand- 
writing in her numerous letters to her brother and 
to the cardinal varies much, apparently according 
to the state of her nerves. In some of them her 
hand has evidently trembled, so as to render her 
calligraphy almost illegible, and this is notably 
the case in a document which settled her business 
to her own satisfaction and most certainly to that 
of her greedy brother. As we have seen. King 
Louis had been very lavish with gifts of gold 
and silver plate, and above all jewelry, including 
even the celebrated '' Star of Naples '' {Stella di 
Napoli),^ a diamond of abnormal size and brilliance, 
which Charles VIII had filched from Ferrante of 
Naples, when he paid his unwelcome visit to Italy 
in 1498. These glittering baubles, valued in those 
days at the enormous sum of ;^200,ooo, equal 
to over ;^i,ooo,ooo of present currency, together 
with her rich dower, Mary freely handed over to 
Henry VIII, on condition that he recognized her 
marriage with her worthless, though handsome, 
husband and forgave them both. The deed of 
gift^ whereby the queen yields up all her treasures 

1 Some writers call it le Miroir de Naples, but in the list 
of gems taken by Charles VIII (NeapoHtan archives), it 
figures as La Stella di Napoli. Where is it now ? The 
" Mirror/' or " Star," of Naples was valued at 30,000 crowns, 
and eighteen pearls at 10,000 crowns. 

2 The queen, in her deed of gift adds : " I give all my dote 

52 



Cloth of Frieze weds Cloth of Gold 

to Henry VIII, is preserved in the Cottonian 
Collection in the King's Library of the British 
Museum. When Francis I learnt that she had 
parted with the '' Star of Naples " he waxed ex- 
ceeding wroth and attempted to repossess himself 
of it. If Duchess Louise, who at this time ruled 
her son, had not been in such a hurry to get rid 
of the queen dowager, this affair of the Neapolitan 
diamond might have cost Mary dear. Out of 
France, however, it was necessary that she should 
go, and the sooner the better ; so she was allowed 
to depart in peace, with all her valuables, which, 
shortly after her arrival in England, were duly 
handed over to the king, her brother.^ 

that was delivered with me, and also all such plate of gold 
and jewels as I shall have of my late husband's. Over and 
besides this, I shall, rather than fail, give you as much yearly 
part of my dower as great a sum as shall stand with your will 
and pleasure." 

1 The following are the headings to the lists of the property 
of Princess Mary Tudor, made at the time of her marriage 
with King Louis : — 

" I. An inventory of date 12th October, 15 14, of the 
jewelry, gold and silver plate, for the chapel, buffets 
and kitchen of the Princess Mary, delivered to Lewis XII, 
in presence of Thos. Bohier, Jacques de Beaume, 
and Henry Wyat, master of the jewel-house, made in 
the town of Abbeville, loth and nth Oct., 1514.'' 
(Among the plate mentioned are several silver images 
of St. Thomas of Canterbury, St. Katharine, and other 
saints, and a silver-gilt mirror, garnished with H. & R. 
and red roses.) 

53 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Henry was so well pleased with the treasure 
she brought him that he received his sister at 
Greenwich Palace with effusion, and was ostenta- 
tiously civil to Suffolk. On May 13, 1515, the Queen 
Dowager of France and Charles Brandon were 
re-married publicly in Grey Friars' Church, Green- 
wich, the ceremony being performed by the 
Archbishop of Canterbury and graced by the pres- 
ence of King Henry and Katherine of Aragon. 
The wedding was followed by a magnificent ban- 
quet, the plan for the arrangement of the table 
for which still exists. This plan proves that in 
those days ladies and gentlemen were seated 

"2. List of the furniture for the chapel, dresses, hnen, 
tapestries, belonging to the Princess Mary, delivered to 
Lewis XII by Sir Andrew Windsor, master of the 
Wardrobe, before the same witnesses; made at Abbe- 
ville, nth and 12th Oct., 1514." 

*' 3. Inventory of the horses, carriages, and their 
furniture, Abbeville, 12th Oct., 1514." 

There is also a minute of an agreement, in the Rolls Office, 
by which document Louis XII agrees to receive jewelry and 
furniture to the value of 200,000 crowns, as the dowry of 
Princess Mary, reserving certain conditions as to their restora- 
tion. What these conditions were we learn from letters of 
acquittance {R.O. Rymer xiii. 462) given on the delivery of 
Mary Queen of France, with her jewels, etc., of the 400,000 
gold crowns promised as her dower by Henry VIII, provided 
that, in the case of restitution, the king and his heirs shall 
only be bound to restore what she brought with her into 
France, with the expenses of her passage. Subscribed, 
Abbeville, 13th August, 15 14. 

54 



cloth of Frieze weds Cloth of Gold 

alternately, according to their precedence, precisely 
as at a modern dinner-party. In honour of 
these unequal nuptials, elaborate jousts and 
tournaments were held, in which the bridegroom, 
and Thomas, Marquis of Dorset, Lady Jane's 
other grandfather, won great applause and many 
prizes. A number of bridal portraits, intended 
as gifts to friends, were painted on this occasion. 
These depict Mary Tudor as a broad-faced woman, 
with an evidently dazzling complexion, small 
eyes, golden hair, and a firm but rather sensual 
mouth. At the Historical Exhibition held in the 
New Gallery in 1902, the writer was particularly 
struck by the remarkable resemblance between 
the disputed likeness of Jane Grey, preserved at 
Althorp, and the small portrait of her grandmother, 
Mary Tudor, attributed to Holbein, now in His 
Majesty's collection at Windsor Castle. Mary 
has the same broad face with small features as 
Jane Grey. Her expression is pleasing ^ and 

^ An anonymous writer to Margaret of Savoy, in a letter 
dated April g, 15 14, says : " I think never man saw a more 
beautiful creature [than Mary], or one possessed of so much 
grace and sweetness." Gerard de Pleine writes : " I assure 
you that she [Mary] is one of the most beautiful young women 
in the world. I think I never saw a more charming creature. 
She is very graceful. Her deportment in dancing and in 
conversation is as pleasing as you could desire. There is 
nothing gloomy or melancholy about her. ... I assure you 
that she has been well educated. ... I had imagined 

55 



The Sisters ot Lady Jane Grey 

bears a strong resemblance to the earlier like- 
nesses of Henry VIII. In the Windsor picture 
the queen- duchess holds a globe in the shape of 
an artichoke, above which, in the left comer 
of the portrait, appear some lines, said to have 
been composed by the Duke of Suffolk for the 
occasion : — 

" Cloth of gold, do not despise, 
Though thou hast wedded cloth of frieze. 
Cloth of frieze, be not too bold. 
Though thou hast wedded cloth of gold." 

The attitude assumed by Cardinal Wolsey in 
the affair of Charles Brandon's royal marriage 
was friendly enough both to bride and bride- 
groom, although in the course of the correspondence 
which preceded the wedding, he reminded Suffolk, 
in very straightforward fashion, of his '' cloth-of- 
frieze " origin. There was some mysterious connec- 
tion between the cardinal and Charles Brandon : 
it seems, indeed, that Henry VIII had con- 
ceived the sinister project of ridding himself of 
his brother-in-law on some trumped-up charge 
of treason, once he had possessed himself of her 
treasure. Apparently Wolsey saved Brandon's life 
at that time, of which fact he reminded him some 



that she would have been very tall ; but she is of middling 
height. . . ." (Lettres de Louis XII, tome iv., p. 335; State 
Papers, 5203, p. 833.) 

56 



cloth of Frieze weds Cloth ot Gold 

years later. Suffolk was one of the judges at Queen 
Katherine's trial (1529), and, being exasperated 
one day by the way in which Wolsey constantly 
impeded the king's desire to close the matter at 
once without appealing to Rome, he struck the 
table, exclaiming loudly that " they had never 
been merry in England since a cardinal came 
amongst them." Rising to his feet, Wolsey 
replied with the utmost dignity: *' Sir, of all men 
within this realm, ye have the least cause to dis- 
praise or be offended with cardinals, for, but for 
me, simple cardinal as I am, you at this moment 
would have had no head upon your shoulders, 
and therefore no tongue to make so rude a report 
against me. You know what friendship ye have 
received at my hand, and which never before this 
time have I revealed to any one alive, either to my 
own glory or to your dishonour.'' Suffolk, who 
well knew the circumstance to which the cardinal 
alluded, rose abruptly,^ and, abashed, left the 
council chamber. 

Wolsey evidently hinted at some matter con- 
nected with Brandon's weird matrimonial adven- 
tures already related; or else to the fact that he 
had saved him from the clutches of his brother-in- 
law for some imprudence history has not revealed. 

1 Cavendish's Life of Wolsey; also, a slightly different 
version, in Gait's Life of Cardinal Wolsey, p. 164. 

57 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

After her return to England, Mary Tudor regained 
her royal position, and for a brief time she lived 
in considerable state at Suffolk's house on his 
South wark estate. A year or two ago, a fair 
Tudor archway and a few other remains of this 
fine mansion were discovered during the erec- 
tion of some model school-houses. Suffolk Court, 
as it was called, had two parks, one of which 
stretched down to the bank of the Thames ; and 
in the extensive gardens there was a maze, or 
labyrinth, similar to the one at Hampton Court. 
A street in the neighbourhood is still known as 
Suffolk Street, though probably not one of its 
inhabitants is aware that it marks the site of a 
princely residence. The Duke of Suffolk had yet 
another dwelling in London, situated at the top 
of the Strand : it was built in 1539 on a site occu- 
pied in our day by Northumberland Avenue. He 
and his royal consort frequently lived here, and 
probably used it as their winter residence. They 
occasionally rented Stepney Palace from the 
bishops of London, and some of Mary's letters 
are dated thence. 

At Suffolk Court, about eighteen months after 
her marriage, Mary gave birth to a son, to whom 
Henry VHI stood godfather, the christening 
being attended by the king and queen. Some 
time after his birth, the infant was taken to 
58 



Cloth of Frieze weds Cloth of Gold 

Bridewell Palace, where Henry raised him to 
the rank of Earl of Lincoln. At Suffolk Court 
the queen-duchess received and entertained the 
Emperor Charles V, when he visited England to be 
betrothed to the young Princess Mary. Notwith- 
standing her mesalliance, the Duchess of Suffolk 
was treated as the second lady in the realm, 
precedence immediately after the queen being 
accorded to her at all State functions, notably 
during the great reception given to Charles V at 
Canterbury (1518), and, later, at that unparalleled 
pageant, the Field of the Cloth of Gold, at which 
she figured both as dowager Queen of France and 
as a princess of the blood royal and a duchess. 

In March 1517 Mary and her husband accom- 
panied Katherine of Aragon on a pilgrimage to 
Walsingham Priory. Three months later, the 
duchess returned to London to entertain her 
sister, Margaret of Scotland, whom she had not 
seen since childhood ; on this occasion Suffolk won 
splendid success in a tournament before the king 
and the then queen. Later in the same month, 
Brandon and his wife were at Bishops Hatfield, 
where, on July 16, was born the Lady Frances, 
'' who was mother to the Lady Jane Grey.'' ^ The 

1 In 1603, James I took a fancy to Theobalds Park at 
Cheshunt, the seat of the Cecils, where he stopped on his 
progress from Edinburgh to London to ascend the EngHsh 

59 



The Sisters ot Lady Jane Grey 

queen-duchess, it appears, was suddenly taken ill 
on her way from London to Suffolk, and had per- 
force to ask the hospitality of the Bishop of Ely, 
to whom Hatfield Palace in those days belonged. 
Some years later it was confiscated by Henry VHI 
and converted into a royal residence. 

A very elaborate account of the manner in 
which the parish church at Hatfield was decorated 
*' with cloth of gold and garlands of evergreen,'' 
on the occasion of the baptism of the said Lady 
Frances, is still extant. The sponsors were Queen 
Katherine and the young Princess Mary, who 
were represented by proxy, the queen by the Lady 
Anne Boleyn ^ and the princess by the Lady 
Elizabeth Grey. The Abbot of St. Albans was 
godfather, and there was an abundant distribution 
of viands, cakes, and wine, to the parishioners, 
rich and poor alike. 

In 1524 the queen-duchess gave birth to her 
second daughter, the Lady Eleanor, who in due 
time became Countess of Cumberland. 



throne, and exchanged Hatfield for Theobalds, where he died 
in 1625. Hatfield has ever since remained in the possession 
of the illustrious family of Cecil. 

1 The Lady Anne Boleyn above mentioned was not the 
lady who became famous as the second queen of Henry VHI, 
but her aunt, a daughter of the Earl of Pembroke and wife 
of Sir William Boleyn of Blickling Hall, Norfolk. 
60 



Cloth of Frieze weds Cloth of Gold 

All this long while, Brandon's discarded wife, 
the Lady Mortimer, nursed her grievance (which 
she held to be supported by an ecclesiastical 
dispensation in her possession) against the Duke 
of Suffolk, so that, justly incensed as she was at 
his marriage with the ex-queen of France, she 
endeavoured to force him to recognize her as his 
legitimate wife; which he steadfastly refused to 
do. Possibly, in a sense, she blackmailed him, 
knowing full well the parlous position in which 
he had placed himself. Some time in 1524, 
therefore, just before the birth of the Lady Eleanor, 
Lady Mortimer must have clamoured so loudly 
for the return of her recalcitrant husband to his 
conjugal duties, as to make herself very unpleasant, 
for Brandon was once more fain to have recourse 
to the law to obtain an official absolute dissolution 
of his connection with her. He appealed to the 
ecclesiastical and to the civil courts, and received 
a favourable verdict from both, the marriage be- 
tween himself and the Lady Mortimer being de- 
clared null and void. This decision, however, did 
not satisfy Wolsey as a sufficient protection for the 
queen and her children against the humiliating 
aspersions persistently cast on them by Lady 
Mortimer and her friends. In 1528 a mission, 
headed bj^ Stephen Gardiner and Edward Fox, 
61 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

was sent to Orvieto, where Clement VII was then 
residing,^ with the object of inducing His HoHness 
to despatch Cardinal Campeggio to England to 
represent the pope on the Commission for the 
matter of the divorce of Queen Katherine of 
Aragon. Wolsey availed himself of this mission 
to forward an account, written by Suffolk and 
endorsed by himself, of the reasons why the 
duke petitioned the Pontiff for the dissolution 
of his marriage with the Lady Mortimer. In 
this document Suffolk declared that, '' although 
a lapse of time had passed, instead of diminishing, 
it only increased his crime, and hence his seeking 
this divorce from a woman with whom he was too 
closely allied/' Clement, after due investigation, 
and on the strength of Wolsey' s assurance, issued 
a bull dissolving the marriage with Lady Mortimer, 
and declaring the children of Anne Browne, alias 
Brandon, the second wife, legitimate. This bull, 
dated Orvieto, May 12, 1528, was not, however, 
published in England until August of the following 
year, when Bishop Nix of Norwich read it from 
the pulpit of his cathedral, to a no doubt highly 
interested and gossiping congregation. This suc- 
cessful appeal to Rome apparently settled the 

1 Clement had been driven from Rome by the Spanish 
troops, and had taken refuge at Orvieto, in a ruinous palace. 
The envoys say " the furniture of his bed and all was not worth 
twenty nobles." 

62 




%' 



/. 62 



LADY MONTEAGLE 

(Younger daughter of Charles Brandon, Duke of Sufifolk) 
{From an engraving after Holbein) 



cloth of Frieze weds Cloth of Gold 

matter, even in the eyes of Lady Mortimer herself, 
for she presently took a third husband,^ Robert 
Horn, Esq., with whom she lived in peace for the 
rest of her life, which, however, was not long, 
for the invaluable Baronagium informs us that 
she died before the marriage of Suffolk's second 
daughter, the Lady Eleanor Brandon, which took 
place in 1537. 

Anne and Mary, the two daughters of Brandon 
by his second wife, Anne Browne, became re- 
spectively Baroness Powis and Viscountess Mont- 
• eagle. After her mother's death, the first-named 
lady, in accordance with the custom of those days, 
was sent abroad for her education and placed in 
the household of Suffolk's faithful friend, Margaret 
of Savoy, Governess of the Netherlands. Among 

1 It is not at all improbable that this, the generally received 
version of what we should call the affaire Mortimer, is in- 
correct. Cokayne says she married, after her separation 
from Brandon, a gentleman named Downes — the Baron- 
agium calls him Horn. In this case she was already out 
of court, and the action of Brandon and Wolsey for a papal 
absolute nullification of the former's marriage was to make 
the position of the queen-duchess and her children entirely 
unassailable. (See the Baronagium Angl. ; also, Brooke's Cata- 
logue, p. 141.) The third marriage of Lady Mortimer seems 
to have been overlooked by historians. Had Lady Morti- 
mer's marriage with Brandon been confirmed by the pope, 
both she and Brandon would have been liable to the charge 
of bigamy, and the succession to the throne claimed by the 
daughter of the queen-duchess by Brandon would have 
been ipso facto invahd. 

63 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

the State Papers is a letter written by Suffolk, and 
dated May 13, 1515, in which he thanks the duchess 
for her kindness to his daughter Anne, and begs 
she will allow her to return to England '' at the 
request of the queen dowager, my wife/' He 
sent Sir E. Guildford and Mr. WilHam Woodale to 
escort the young lady home. Both Miss Strickland 
and Miss Green, in their respective lives of Mary 
Tudor, and Mr. Howard, in his Life of Jane 
Grey, state that Lady Powis, in the thirteenth 
year of Elizabeth, charged Frances, Duchess of 
Suffolk, and her sister Eleanor, Countess of 
Cumberland, with bastardy. This is an error, 
since an entry in Machyn's Diary proves that 
Lady Powis died in 1557,^ during the reign of 
Mary. That the affaire Mortimer was revived in 
the thirteenth year of Elizabeth is true, for among 
the State Papers we find documents relative to the 
matter; but it was probably put forward at the 
instigation of Elizabeth herself, merely as a test 
case, to settle, once and for all, the validity of 
the claims of the Ladies Katherine and Mary Grey 
and their heirs to the succession. The verdict then 
given confirmed the decision arrived at, forty-two 

1 " The xiij day of January was bared at (Westminster) 
in sant Margerett parryche my lade Powes, (daughter) to 
the duke of Suffoke Charles Brandon, (with two) whytt 
branchys, xij torchys, and iij grett (tapers), withxij skochyons 
of armes." 

64 



Cloth of Frieze weds Cloth of Gold 

years previously, and the document containing it 
is endorsed in Burleigh's own hand. 

Lady Monteagle/ Brandon's second daughter, 
enjoyed the rare distinction of being limned by 
Holbein, and her portrait is one of the most 
magnificent in all the collection of drawings of 
the nobility of the court of Henry VHI, now in 
the possession of His Majesty the King. She is 
represented as an exceedingly handsome woman, 
and wears some fine pearl ornaments, one of them 
being a medaUion in the shape of the letter " M,'' 
composed of very large gems. There was some 
doubt, at one time, as to whether this particular 
portrait represented the first or second Lady 
Monteagle, but the fashion of the gown and the 
coif, in conjunction with the discovery of the exact 
date of Holbein's death, settles the question 
beyond dispute, and in this drawing we have an 
undoubted presentment of Brandon's younger 
daughter by his second wife. 

1 Lady Monteagle, who bore her husband six children, died 
in 1544. Her husband, Thomas Stanley, succeeded his father 
as Viscount Monteagle, 1522, and was made K.B. at the 
Coronation of Anne Boleyn. His second wife was Helen 
Preston of Livens. (See Dugdale's Baronagium, Machyn's 
Diary, etc.) These dates prove conclusively that the lovely 
woman in the sketch by Holbein, inscribed " the Lady Mont- 
eagle," is intended for the daughter of Charles Brandon, and is 
not the second Lady Monteagle, who was married long after 
Holbein's death. 

F 65 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

In addition to his wives, Brandon had a notorious 
mistress, who bore him several children, one of 
whom, Sir Charles Brandon, had a son who was 
a celebrated jeweller in the reign of Elizabeth,^ 
and who, some say, was the father of that 
Richard Brandon who is alleged to have beheaded 
Charles I.^ These scandals and many others, of 
which we know little or nothing, though some are 
hinted at in the correspondence of the various 
ambassadors, no doubt affected the happiness 
of the queen-duchess, and account for the in- 
frequency of her visits to London and her rare 
appearances at court functions. 

1 Dugdale. Brandon was jeweller to Elizabeth, and there 
are numerous references to orders given him by the queen, 
for plate and jewelry. 

2 In the register of St. Mary Matfellon, Whitechapel, is 
the record of the burial of Richard Brandon, " a man out of 
Rosemary Lane." The entry is dated June 2, 1649, ^-nd to 
it is appended a note to the effect that " this Richard Brandon 
is supposed to have cut off the head of Charles I." This 
man is said to have confessed that he received thirty pounds 
for the job, which was paid him in half-crowns within an hour 
after the execution had taken place; he took an orange stuck 
with cloves, and a handkerchief, from the king's pocket, 
and sold the former article to a gentleman for ten shillings. 
Richard Brandon was the son of Gregory Brandon, and claimed 
the office of headsman by inheritance. His first victim was 
the Earl of Strafford. In a very old MS. on armorial bearings, 
dated 1692, lately in the possession of the author, is the 
marginal note in an antique handwriting : " Charles Brandon, 
who was cousin to Queen Elizabeth, had an ill-begotten son 
Gregory, whose son Richard beheaded Charles I." 

66 



CHAPTER IV 

THE LAST DAYS OF SUFFOLK AND OF THE QUEEN- 
DUCHESS 

Notwithstanding Mary Tudor's exalted rank, 
her husband neglected her. The Chronicles and 
State Papers of the period frequently allude to 
this sad fact. The death of her only son, the 
young Earl of Lincoln, of the *' sweating sickness,'' 
which occurred in 1527, when he was only twelve 
years old, affected her health, so that she retired 
from London, and spent nearly all her time at 
Westhorpe Hall, a grand Tudor mansion near Bury 
St. Edmunds, which remained intact until the 
beginning of the last century, when it was pulled 
down to make room for the present ugly and 
uninteresting structure. The ancient furniture, 
some of which had evidently belonged to the 
queen-duchess, was sold in 1805, and amongst the 
other miscellaneous lots put up to auction was a 
lock of Mary Tudor's fair hair, which was pur- 
chased by a Suffolk antiquary for seven shillings. 

Mary espoused, as far as she dared, the cause of 
her unhappy sister-in-law, Katherine of Aragon, 
F 2 67 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 



and it is not surprising, therefore, that though 
in London at the time, she did not attend the 
coronation of Anne Boleyn, where her husband 
figured so conspicuously as Lord High Constable 
of England. He behaved abominably to Queen 
Katherine, and even insulted her grossly when he 
was sent by Henry to Bugden to visit her, just 
before her removal to Kimbolton ; so coarsely, 
indeed, that the queen ordered him out of her 
presence, reminding him, at the same time, of the 
many favours she had heaped upon him when she 
was in power. 

The royal grandmother of the unfortunate 
sisters of the House of Grey seems never to have 
enjoyed good health. As far back as 1518, Suffolk 
wrote to Wolsey to inform him that the queen- 
duchess, his wife, was ill of a '' anagu *' [an ague], 
the cure of which gave the king's *' fuesesune '* 
plenty of good occupation. The word '' physician " 
was apparently an orthographic stumbling-block 
to both the duke and his consort. Early in 
February 1533, Mary Tudor wrote from Westhorpe 
Hall to the king, informing him that she intended 
coming to London to consult *' Master Peter, her 
fesysyon'' ; as her health was failing, she felt it 
wise to seek other advice. Accordingly, towards 
the middle of April, she arrived, with her two 

daughters, at Suffolk Court; here preparations 
68 



The Last Days of Suffolk 

were at once made for the marriage of the elder 
of these young ladies with the youthful Marquis 
of Dorset, and for the betrothal of the younger, 
the Lady Eleanor, to Lord Henry Clifford, eldest 
son of the Earl of Cumberland. These combined 
ceremonies were solemnized in the first week of 
May, most likely in that stately parish church 
which is now Southwark Cathedral. Henry VHI 
attended the function, but whether he was accom- 
panied by Anne Boleyn, who was already queen, 
though not as yet crowned, we know not.^ 

A few days later, on May 19, Queen Anne 
Boleyn passed in triumph through the streets of 
London from the Tower to Westminster Abbey, 
to be crowned. On either side of her open litter, 
sumptuously hung with silver tissue, and borne 
by two milk-white palfreys draped in white 
brocade, rode the Duke of Suffolk and Henry, 
Marquis of Dorset, who bore the sceptre. Cecily, 
dowager Marchioness of Dorset, was with the old 
Duchess of Norfolk in a chariot that followed 
the litter conveying the queen, who in glittering 
robes of cloth of gold and with a circlet of magni- 
ficent rubies crowning her raven tresses, '' freely 
exposed the beauty of her person to the gaze of 
the people.'' But the populace, even as it gazed 
upon her loveliness, did not forget the good ** old 
1 State Papers, Henry VIII, Domestic Series, 

69 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

queen '' it had worshipped, who was even then 
lying sick unto death at Bugden Hall in Hunting- 
donshire. Anne was received in dead silence, 
throughout the whole line of the procession : not 
a cap was raised in her honour. 

On June 26, of this same year (1533), the 
queen-duchess — ^who had returned with Lady 
Dorset, the bride, and her younger daughter, the 
Lady Eleanor, to Westhorpe, none the better for 
consulting the Court ''fesysyon " — died somewhat 
suddenly, in the presence of her two children ; her 
husband and son-in-law being still in London. 
Her body was embalmed and carried to Bury 
Abbey on July 20, nearly a month after her 
decease. Garter King at Arms and other heralds 
preceded the hearse, which was followed by a 
procession of lords and ladies on horseback, among 
whom, as chief mourners, the Ladies Frances and 
Eleanor rode pillion on the same black steed, 
caparisoned with violet cloth. They were sup- 
ported on either side by the Marquis of Dorset 
and the young Lord Clifford, who had, been 
summoned from London to attend the funeral. 
A strange incident occurred during the ceremony, 
at which the Duke of Suffolk was not present. 
The Ladies Powis and Monteagle, the duke's 
daughters by his second wife, appeared uninvited, 

and assisted at the Mass, on perceiving which 
70 



The Last Days of Suffolk 

intrusion, the Lady Frances and the Lady Eleanor 
rose, and left the church, without waiting for 
the conclusion of the office. The unbidden guests 
had evidently determined to assert their position 
in the family by appearing at their step-mother's 
obsequies, an act which was openly resented by 
the rest of the family,^ since it was intended to 
prove the Ladies Powis and Monteagle's legitimacy, 
and, moreover, insinuate that the queen-duchess's 
daughters were bastards. 

Mary Tudor's death ^ may well have been 
hastened by anxiety about the calamities that had 
overwhelmed her sister-in-law. Queen Katherine, 
and by the certainty that her own husband had 
been Henry's most active confederate in malign- 
ing the luckless queen. Suffolk's behaviour to 

^ Estby's History of Bury St. Edmunds. 

2 Mary Tudor, Queen Dowager of France and Duchess of 
Suffolk, was buried in a magnificent alabaster monument 
in Bury St. Edmunds Abbey, which was destroyed at the 
Dissolution. Although the abbey church was blown up with 
gunpowder, the townspeople carried the coffin, containing 
the queen's body, to the parish church, where it was re- 
interred near the high altar, and covered with some altar 
slabs brought from the desecrated abbey. The alabaster 
monument was destroyed. In 1734 the remains of Mary 
Tudor were unearthed and her coffin was opened. The body, 
that of a large woman, with a profusion of golden hair adhering 
to the skull, was found to be in a perfect state of preservation. 
It was re-buried close to the right of the altar, where a modern 
inscription on a marble tablet, let into the wall, may still be 
read. 

71 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Katherine of Aragon was, in fact, infamous and 
ungrateful in the extreme. In the early stages of 
his career she had given him a helping hand, she 
had accepted entertainment at his house, and had 
stood godmother to his elder daughter ; yet, in the 
hour of misfortune, he turned against her, and 
became her '* unjust judge " and bitterest foe. He 
treated Anne Boleyn in the same fashion. When 
that ill-fated woman's star reached its zenith, 
the craven duke was one of her most obsequious 
courtiers, but no sooner did the shadow of her 
impending doom darken the horizon, than Suffolk 
deserted her, went over to her enemies, urged his 
master to hasten her destruction, and outraged 
decency — even the decency of those callous times 
— by appearing at her execution. He was also 
present as one of the Privy Council when, some 
hours before her death, she was compelled to hear 
the sentence: That her marriage with the king 
was '* invalid, frustrate, and of none effect.'' So, 
too, when poor Anne of Cleves displeased the king 
by her Dutch homeliness, Suffolk was overheard 
offering his advice as to the best means of getting 
rid of her. Katherine Howard fared no better at 
his hands. He was her flatterer in her brief hour 
of success, but it was he who escorted her as a 
prisoner from Sion House to the Tower, who judged 
her, and who, but for sudden indisposition, would 
72 



The Last Days of Suffolk 

have feasted his eyes on her mangled form when 
her head was struck off at one blow by the skilful 
Calais headsman who had already proved his 
dexterity at the execution of Anne Boleyn. 

In November 1534 the duke took a fourth 
wife, his deceased consort's ward, the Lady 
Katherine Willoughby d'Eresby, a child of fifteen, 
whose rich dower had evidently excited his 
rapacity; for, notwithstanding his vast landed 
possessions, he was in constant want of ready 
money, Mary Tudor's income having been very 
scanty, and most irregularly paid. Katherine was 
the only child of the lately deceased Wilham, 
Lord Willoughby d'Eresby by his second wife. 
Dona Maria de Sarmiento y Salinas, a Spanish 
noblewoman and a faithful and tried attendant 
upon Queen Katherine. It seems incredible that 
such a pious woman should have approved of so 
unnatural an alliance, but in Tudor times the voice 
of Nature herself was often hushed, and that 
of personal and political interest alone heard. 
Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, of whom we shall 
see more anon, developed into a very handsome 
and cultured woman, and was the authoress of quite 
the most brilhant and witty letters in the English 
epistolary literature of the period. She had the 
distinction of being sketched by Holbein, and 
her portrait is one of the most beautiful in the 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

king's collection. By this lady, Suffolk had two 
sons, who survived him and became successively 
Dukes of Suffolk. They were reputed to be 
exceedingly clever lads, and were educated with 
Prince Edward. Both died at an early age, on 
July 6th, 1551, of the *' sweating sickness," at 
Bugden, in Huntingdonshire, within a few hours 
of each other and in the same bed.^ 

Shortly after his fourth marriage, Suffolk wrote 
to his mother-in-law, the dowager Lady Willoughby, 
that he had been ordered to proceed to Bugden 
Hall to reduce the household of the *' Princess 
Dowager," as the divorced queen was now called, 
and to induce her to remove to Fotheringhay Castle. 
He adds that he wishes *' an accident might befall 
him" to prevent his undertaking so unpleasant an 
expedition. Notwithstanding this heroic desire, 
Suffolk arrived at Bugden Hall late in December ^ 
1534/5, and behaved so abominably that the poor 
queen, stung to the quick by the repeated humilia- 
tions and insults heaped upon her and her handful 
of faithful retainers, rose and swept haughtily 

1 There is an interesting account of the death of these 
" noble imps/' as contemporary chroniclers call them, in the 
Gentleman's Magazine for Nov. 1825, vol. xcv. 11. 200. 

2 For an account of this visit, see State Papers, p. 453, a 
dispatch from the Earl of Sussex dated December 31, 1534. 
Suffolk had been to Bugden earlier in the year, in May, and 
had behaved with much unnecessary brutality. 

74 




X 



{To face p. 74 
DUCHESS OF SUFFOLK 



KATHERINE WILLOUGHBY 

{From an engraving, by Bartolozzi, after Holbehi) 



The Last Days of SufFolk 

from his presence. She resolutely refused to go to 
Fotheringhay, which, she had heard, was *' damp," 
but after much more trouble she submitted to 
being sent to Kimbolton, where she arrived early 
in the following January. 

On January 7, 1535/6, the sorely tried and 
persecuted queen passed quietly away at Kim- 
bolton Castle, in the arms of Lady Willoughby, 
and in the presence of Eustache Chapuys, the 
imperial ambassador; being ''done to death by 
cruelty," as her Spanish chronicler quaintly and 
faithfully puts it.^ 

The public career of Jane Grey's maternal 
grandfather was far more creditable than his 
private life. In early manhood, as we have seen, 
he distinguished himself as a naval commander, 
and he later became a skilful general, affording 
his master most efficient help against the popular 
rising known as the '' Pilgrimage of Grace." 
During that otherwise futile expedition into 
Picardy which resulted in King Henry's only sub- 
stantial French victory, the capture of Boulogne, 
Suffolk proved himself both bold and sagacious, 
and was able to present the keys of that city to the 

^ A chandler, who also exercised the calhng of surgeon, 
opened the body of Queen Katherine, and found the heart 
black and dry, as he informed the Bishop of Llandaff ; proving, 
although he was unaware of the fact, that she died of what 
is called melanotic sarcoma, or cancer of the heart. 

75 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey- 
king. He was also of great service all through 
the intricate operations against the Scots, which 
occupied English diplomacy and arms from 1543 
to 1544, and formed the first hnk in the chain of 
misfortunes marking the untoward career of Mary 
Stuart — since these certainly arose out of the 
attempt made by Henry VHI to affiance his son 
Edward to the infant Queen of Scots, and so secure 
the custody of her person. This effort, had it 
been crowned with success, would have united the 
Crowns of England and Scotland some fifty years 
before the union of the two kingdoms was finally 
accomplished, under James I. 

In 1532-33, when Henry VHI and Francis I 
held a conference in the Church of Our Lady at 
Boulogne, such was the piety of bluff King Hal 
that he was well pleased to attend as many as 
three and four Masses every day before St. Mary's 
shrine, whilst round him knelt the Dukes of 
Suffolk and Norfolk; the Marquises of Dorset and 
Exeter ; the Lords of Surrey, Essex, Derby, 
Rutland, Huntingdon and Sussex ; and a legion 
of other noblemen and knights. Boulogne was 
greatly edified at beholding the French and 
English Kings, the King of Navarre, the Dauphin, 
and the Princes of Orleans, Angouleme, Vendome, 
and Guise, together with a glittering train of 

French and English peers, devoutly telling their 
76 



The Last Days of Suffolk 

rosaries, and following the cherished image in 
solemn procession through the streets. But in 
July 1544 all this was changed. Suffolk ordered 
the Church of Notre Dame to be desecrated and 
occupied by the English artillery. The sacred 
image, however, was carefully packed and sent 
over to England, where Henry, who had burnt 
the Lady of Walsingham and *' her old syster of 
Ipswich," preserved it in high veneration in his 
own bedroom. Edward VI, at the time of the 
restitution of Boulogne, consented to restore the 
treasure, and Louis de la Tremeuil, Prince of 
Talmont, was deputed to fetch it back to its time- 
honoured shrine.^ 

In August 1545 Suffolk died, after a long illness, 
at Guildford Castle, which had evidently been 
lent to him by Sir William Parr, who had it from 
the king. The duke's illness seems to have been, 
in every phase, identical with that of the king, who 
died of a similar complication of diseases not two 
years later: Charles suffered from gout, heart 
failure, rheumatism, and dropsy. Henry VIII 
expressed great interest and anxiety concerning 
him, and sent constantly to Guildford to obtain 
news of his old friend and life-long companion. 

^ The venerated image was again destroyed during the 
French Revolution, only the left hand being saved; this is 
still carried in procession through the streets of Boulogne on 
August 14. 

n 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

One of Suffolk's portraits, painted in the last year 
of his life, represents him looking much older than 
he really was, and extremely like Henry VIII. 
He wears a dressing-gown and a silk skull cap, and 
his feet, much swollen with gout, are resting on 
a stool. During his last illness, the duke was 
attended by his wife and his two daughters, the 
Ladies Frances and Eleanor. He expired in their 
presence and in that of his grand-children, includ- 
ing Katherine Grey. Suffolk left instructions 
in his will that he was to be buried in an obscure 
Lincolnshire parish, without pomp, but Henry VIII 
ordered otherwise, and gave his accommodating 
brother-in-law and friend splendid obsequies at 
Windsor, where his tomb may still be seen, on 
the right-hand entrance to St. George's Chapel. 
Requiem Masses for the repose of the soul of 
" the most High and Puissant Prince,'' Charles, 
Duke of Suffolk, were said at St. Paul's and at 
Westminster Abbey. 

Suffolk left all his property to his widow and 
her children, with reversion to his daughters 
Frances and Eleanor Brandon, respectively Mar- 
chioness of Dorset and Countess of Cumberland, 
and to their heirs and successors, who are named. 
His widow retired to her lodging at the Barbican, 
where she was several times visited by the Lady 
Frances and her daughters, and by the Princesses 
78 



The Last Days of Suffolk 

Mary and Elizabeth, the latter being her sincere 
friend, whereas the former disliked her exceedingly, 
on account of her change of religion. When the 
duchess, some short time after the death of her 
first husband, took unto herself a second, in the 
person of her young secretary, Mr. Bertie, an 
aggressive Protestant, Queen Mary was exceedingly 
wroth at what she considered to be a mesalliance, 
Mr. Bertie and the Duchess fled from England, 
and after staying awhile in Germany and visiting 
Venice, succeeded, despite many romantic adven- 
tures, in reaching Poland. The duchess and her 
'' unequal match '' did not return to England 
until after Mary's death. 



79 



LADY KATHERINE GREY 



CHAPTER I 

BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD 

The Lady Katherine Grey, two years younger 
than her unfortunate sister, the Lady Jane, was 
born in August 1540, and, according to tradition, 
not at Bradgate Hall in Leicestershire, but in 
London, at Dorset Place, Westminster, a mansion 
which the Duke of Suffolk, her father, then Mar- 
quis of Dorset, had purchased and rebuilt in 
the finest Tudor architecture of the period, having 
a very long gallery and terrace, overlooking the 
Thames. It was considerably altered towards 
the close of the sixteenth century, when it was 
divided into three separate houses, and in one of 
these Locke the philosopher lived and died. A 
rehc of the existence of this palace was extant 
only a few years ago, in the name of a little street 
called Dorset Place, which was pulled down for 
modern improvements when the new War Office 
and its adjacent edifices were built. 

There is, needless to say, no registered record 

of Lady Katherine's birth, and we know very 

little of how her childhood was spent. The 
G2 Ss 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

hygienic and more humane methods of rearing 
children, which are now in vogue, were then un- 
known. Lady Katherine's httle hmbs must have 
been swathed in swaddhng clothes, precisely as 
were those of all her infant contemporaries. She 
was certainly not nursed by her mother — which 
would have been against all precedent in royal 
circles of society — but by some country foster- 
mother, possibly the Mrs. Helen who performed 
the same offi.ce for Lady Jane, and who attended 
that unfortunate princess on the scaffold. A 
foster-mother in the family of the great position 
of the Dorsets was in many ways a personage. 
Her costume was rich; her board and lodging 
expensive, even luxurious; and the children she 
nursed were taught to consider her almost in 
the light of a mother, and this, many years after 
the very necessary functions which she had per- 
formed for their benefit had ceased. 

The child's costume as she grew up was cut on 
absolutely the same pattern as that of her mother, 
of which it was a miniature reproduction, without, 
however, the train or manteau de cour, which the 
Lady Frances only wore on state occasions. At 
five years of age, Lady Katherine wore long petti- 
coats and a dress of brocade reaching to the feet, 
a ruff, and a little white cap, tied in a bow under 
the chin. There is still in existence a list or 
84 



Birth and Childhood 



inventory of the toys which were in the possession 
of Princess EHzabeth when she was an infant at 
Hunsdon. They included a number of dolls of 
all sizes, one or two mechanical, '* that could 
speke '' and even walk (evidently imported from 
Italy), a wooden horse on rockers, a set of mario- 
nettes, some little cooking utensils, and no doubt 
most popular of all, a kind of Noah's Ark, con- 
taining '' beesties and Noah with hys familie/' 
With similar toys, doubtless, the little Lady 
Katherine and her sister Jane frequently did play. 

As she grew older she was placed, to learn her 
letters, under the care of a certain Mrs. Ashley or 
Astley (sister or sister-in-law of the lady who figures 
so largely in history as the governess of Queen Eliza- 
beth), who remained in the quality of gover- 
ness-companion to the children of the Marquis of 
Dorset until the death of Lady Jane, when we 
lose sight of her, unless indeed the little Lad}^ 
Mary was placed in her charge and remained at 
Bradgate during the tragic events that decimated 
her family. 

Lady Katherine's entry into what we should 
now call society, took place on the 20th August, 
1547, when that renowned, not to say redoubted, 
lady, Bess of Hardwick, married her second 
husband, Sir William Cavendish. For some reason 
or other which has escaped record, this weddin 
35 ' 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

took place at Bradgate Hall, in Leicestershire, 

evidently placed at the disposal of the bride and 

bridegroom by the Dorsets. The nuptial knot 

was tied at two o'clock in the morning, according 

to a curious custom of nocturnal marriages which 

holds good to this day in certain parts of America, 

Italy, and Spain. There was a house-party 

assembled for this festive occasion, and among the 

guests were the Earl of Shrewsbury, who in due 

time became the fourth husband of the bride of 

that day^ — or better, night— and the Marchioness 

of Northampton, the discarded wife of Katherine 

Parr's brother, a lady who had had a very curious 

and adventurous history, which excluded her from 

court, although, at the time of her death, she was 

staying at Sudeley Castle, as the guest of 

Henry VIH's sixth wife, Katherine Parr. The 

Marchioness was evidently a very great friend of 

the Dorset family, with whom, for all her rather 

scandalous reputation, she was a frequent visitor. 

The wedding must have taken place in the private 

chapel (which is still standing) of the now ruined 

hall, and amongst those present were the Marquis 

and Marchioness of Dorset, with their three 

daughters, the Ladies Jane, Katherine and Mary, 

who acted as bridesmaids. Immediately after 

the wedding ceremony, a sort of breakfast was 

served, after which, with much music and noise, 
86 



Birth and Childhood 



the bride and bridegroom were led in procession 
to the bridal chamber. This marriage taking 
place at Bradgate, shows how early was the connec- 
tion that existed between Bess of Hardwick and 
the Greys — a connection which, some twenty 
years later, proved a very uncomfortable one for 
the said Bess, since it sent her to the Tower. 

As Bess of Hardwick will be mentioned again in 
these pages, it may be well to remind the reader 
here, that she was the daughter of a certain 
Mr. John Hardwick, a small Derbyshire yeoman 
farmer or squire, and one of seven or eight brothers 
and sisters. She had acquired, under her paternal 
roof, an excellent knowledge of brewing, baking, 
starching, making of elder and cowslip wine, 
preserves and cordials; but she grew tired of the 
country, early in life, and on one occasion, without 
warning any of her relatives, put herself in com- 
munication with Lady Zouch,^ a distant cousin, 
who was then residing in London, in a prominent 
position at the court of Henry VHL To Lady 
Zouch, therefore, Bess addressed herself, begging 
of her not to think it impertinent that she should 
write to her, but to remember her forlorn condition 
and take comxpassion on it. It would seem that 
Derbyshire, and especially that part of it in which 

1 There is a fine drawing of this lady, by Holbein, at 
Windsor Castle. 

87 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

she lived, was not conducive to matrimony, and 
the enterprising Bess thought that if she could 
come to London as companion to Lady Zouch, 
she might succeed in extricating herself from the 
narrow circumstances in which she had hitherto 
lived. Lady Zouch replied favourably, and in- 
vited Mistress Elizabeth Hardwick to come and 
stay with her. She had not been very long under 
her noble cousin's roof, ere she formed the ac- 
quaintance of old Mr. John Barlow. He was 
seventy, and Bess was considerably under twenty. 
The gentleman, who was a great invalid, was very 
rich ; the young lady was active and healthy, but 
poor. She became his nurse, and rubbed his legs and 
applied his leeches and poultices with such admir- 
able skill, avoiding giving him unnecessary pain, 
that he proposed to her and was accepted. Mr. 
Barlow did not long survive his wedding, and when 
he died, Bess inherited every penny of his fortune. 
Having now secured wealth, she was determined 
to acquire rank. Her next choice fell upon Sir 
William Cavendish, a son of that Thomas Caven- 
dish who assisted Henry VHI in suppressing 
the monasteries, and who wrote an excellent life 
of Cardinal Wolsey. Sir William was not a very 
young man when he first made the acquaintance 
of Mistress Barlow, and he was already the father 
of six sons and daughters. Bess, who wished to 
88 



Birth and Childhood 



be a "lady/' forgave him this numerous progeny, 
even going so far as to declare she would be a 
mother unto them all. It is at this period of her 
existence that she begins to loom largely in the 
social history of her time. During the ten years 
that she was Cavendish's wife, she filled his quiver 
with not less than eight children, four sons and 
four daughters, one of whom, Elizabeth, had by 
way of godmother Queen Elizabeth, the Lady 
Katherine Grey representing '' Our Eliza " by 
proxy. This Elizabeth Cavendish in due time 
married Darnley's youngest brother (there were 
seventeen years between them), and became, 
eventually, the mother of the unfortunate Ara- 
bella Stuart, whose life-story runs on almost 
parallel lines with that of Lady Katherine Grey, 
her godmother by proxy. Both were the victims 
of their unfortunate love affairs and of the vin- 
dictiveness of Elizabeth, who was determined to 
have as few heirs to her Throne as possible. Bess, 
after the death of Sir William, married again, for 
the third time, Mr. William Saintlow or St. Lo, 
a rich gentleman, captain in Queen Elizabeth's 
bodyguard, and considered to be the handsomest 
man in Europe. 

In the case of the Cavendish children, Bess 
behaved admirably, but she evidently took a 
fierce dislike to the Saintlow progeny, whom 

89 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

she treated so abominably that they never set 
foot inside their father's house until his death, 
when they attended his funeral, to learn that he 
had left them all his available property. The 
ambitious Mrs. Saintlow, wishing to still further 
increase her rank, next married George Talbot, 
Earl of Shrewsbury. This marriage was not a 
very happy one, mainly through the strange 
circumstances in which the earl and countess 
were placed. They were obliged by Queen Eliza- 
beth to take into their charge the unfortunate 
Mary Queen of Scots ; and Bess, by marrying 
her daughter, Elizabeth, to young Charles Lennox, 
Darnley's brother, became the grandmother of 
Arabella Stuart, which, to use her own words, 
was '* the greatest trouble that ever God inflicted 
upon her.'' Bess of Hardwick built Hardwick 
Hall, near Chatsworth, one of the most beautiful 
Elizabethan mansions in England, and possibly 
the only one which still contains intact the furni- 
ture, tapestries and works of art which its builder 
installed there. 

After the wedding of Mrs. Barlow with Sir 
William Cavendish, the name of Lady Katherine 
Grey becomes more conspicuous in the memorials 
of her family. We know, for instance, that, 
together with her parents and her sisters, Jane and 

Mary, she spent the Christmas of 155 1 with her 
90 



Birth and Childhood 



cousin. Princess Mary, afterwards queen, at 
Hunsdon. The princess had provided a good 
deal of amusement for the children, in the shape 
of singers and conjurers obtained from London. 
In the following year (1552/3), the Marquis of 
Dorset — now become Duke of Suffolk, thanks to 
the Lord Protector Somerset, and consequently to 
Edward VI — helped Katherine, Duchess of Suf- 
folk,^ to entertain a large party at Tilsey, the seat 
of the young Willoughbys, who were her grace's 
wards. There still exists, in the archives of the 
Willoughby family, a note-book of household 
expenses drawn up by '' old Mr. Medley,'' a 
connection of the family who acted as a sort of 
majordomo. Mr. Medley informs us that for 
the forty guests and servants who were being 
entertained, as much as £200 a week was spent 
for meat, fowls, fish, fruit, sweetmeats, etc. He 
likewise says that a sum of six pounds, equivalent to 
about sixty of our money, was given to the manager 
of Lord Oxford's players, who brought his troupe 
to Tilse}^ with the permission of the earl, to per- 
form before the company on three separate days, 
when they gave, no doubt to the huge dehght of 
the children, some of those horse-play comedies 

1 Katherine, Lady Willoughby d'Eresby, was the fourth 
wife of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and step-grand- 
mother to Lady Katherine Grey. 
91 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

and farces which amused our Tudor ancestors, 

and which included amongst their attractions 

such items as ''four hobby-horses, two dragons, 

four men as monkeys, a giraffe, and a man that 

swallowed fire." Such wonders as these, probably, 

greatly pleased Lady Katherine and her little 

sisters, for children are the same in all ages. Then 

there were '' romps, games and dances " in the 

great hall ; and altogether, to use our familiar 

expression, the young people had '' a real good 

time " at Tilsey — which doubtless contrasted 

rather unpleasantly with the formal hospitality 

offered them a fortnight later by the duke's 

sister, the Lady Audley, at Saffron Walden, where 

there was a preacher engaged to improve their 

manners and their morals. Bullinger, who got 

wind of the very secular form of entertainment 

ordered by the Duke of Suffolk for the amusement 

of his young guests at Tilsey, took umbrage, and 

wrote one or two bitter letters about it, which, 

let us hope, never fell into the hands of his grace, 

else the cause of the Reformation might have 

suffered considerably thereby. Probably the duke 

was not at this time as completely converted 

to Puritanism as he was a couple of years later. 

After their visit to Walden, the whole family rode 

up to London, the little Ladies Katherine and 

Jane perched on pillions in front of their father 
92 



Birth and Childhood 



and their uncle John. Here they were again 
entertained by Princess Mary, at the Priory, 
Clerkenwell. When the Suffolks returned to Brad- 
gate, they stayed in Leicester, and were enter- 
tained with wine and hippocras and more soHd 
refreshments by the mayoress and her sister. 
After partaking of these, they proceeded to 
Bradgate, three miles farther on. 

So many cross-country journeys on horseback, 
to and fro, from Bradgate to Hunsdon, Hunsdon 
to Tilsey, Tilsey to Saffron Walden, from Saffron 
Walden to London, and then a three-days' jour- 
ney back to Leicestershire, either in a litter or 
on horseback, told unfortunately on the health 
of the little Ladies Jane and Katherine, and both 
of them — and no wonder ! — were laid up for a 
week or so with serious illnesses. Indeed, Lady 
Katherine's health, like that of her sister Jane, 
seems, throughout her life, to have been very 
fragile, for later we shall hear of her being fre- 
quently ill with fever, headaches, and rheumatic 
pains. 

The Lady Frances and her husband, the Duke 
of Suffolk,^ never seem to have destined Lady 

1 The Marquis of Dorset was created Duke of Suffolk 
early in the reign of Edward VI, and shortly after the death 
of his wife's two step-brothers, both successively dukes of 
Suffolk, who died within a few hours of each other, as 
already stated, in 155 1. 

93 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Katherine, as they did her sister Jane, to play 
any very conspicuous part in history. Jane they 
set aside and educated, coached — or better, 
''crammed'' — ^to be the head of the Protestant 
party in England, and, as such, either to share 
the Throne with her cousin, Edward VI, or else to 
occupy it alone, instead of the Catholic Princess 
Mary, or of Elizabeth, whose religious opinions were 
not at this time clearly defined. Lady Jane, very 
skilfully surrounded by the most able and learned 
Reformers of her time, was veritably moulded 
for the dizzy but unfortunate station for which 
she was destined, and her parents, in their eager- 
ness to fit her to occupy the Throne on the death 
of the sickly Edward VI, did not even allow her 
the time to take necessary recreation. The memor- 
able interview between Lady Jane and Roger 
Ascham proves that the poor child was tortured 
into learning. If by chance, worn out by study, 
she turned to lighter things than Greek or Latin 
grammar, she got so many '' bobs and pinches '' 
from her charming mother, " that for pain she was 
fain to weep'' ; or find rehef from so much cruelty 
and trouble in the unusual recreation, for a young 
girl, of reading Plato's Dialogues or the Orations 
of Demosthenes. Ascham found Lady Katherine 
otherwise engaged, enjoying herself with the rest 
of the company at hunting and archery and those 
94 



Birth and Childhood 



sports in which her mother, the Lady Frances, 
excelled. It is not surprising, then, to find that 
Bullinger, Qicolampadius, Conrad Pellican, Ulmer 
and the many other Reformers who flocked to 
England during the reign of Edward VI, and 
who were specially welcome at Bradgate, had very 
little or nothing to do with Lady Katherine. 
Under the shade of the beautiful trees of Bradgate, 
therefore, and in the sunlight of its broad and 
flower-covered meadows; in the stately avenues 
of its gardens and by the running brooks and 
broad pools of its park, the girlhood of Lady 
Katherine Grey was passed, we may presume, 
far more pleasantly and naturally than that of 
her sister Jane. She was at least allowed to 
indulge in sports and pastimes suitable to her 
age, to try her skill at archery and possibly 
to leap a fence on a favourite pony, to dance 
in the hall, and may be to sing a ballad to the 
accompaniment of a lute, aye, even to practise 
on the virginals, without incurring, as her elder 
sister had done, the displeasure of good Master 
BulUnger, who in one of his most remark- 
able letters, written at the request of Aylmer, 
cautioned the Lady Jane against the vanities 
of this world and urged her to dress soberly, 
as becomes a Christian maiden, by taking as her 
model the Princess Elizabeth ! — above all, not to 
95 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey- 



lose time in practising music and in other like 
frivolities.^ 

In his history of Lady Jane Grey {The Nine- 
days' Queen), the author pointed out that the 
legends as to any intimacy or love-making having 
ever existed between Lady Jane and her cousin 
King Edward VI, are absolutely apocryphal. 
Although at one time the Lord Admiral Thomas 
Seymour actually suggested that, in the event 
of the engagement between Edward and the 
Queen of Scots faihng, the Lady Jane Grey 
should be proposed as queen consort, the young 
people do not seem to have come much in contact ; 
and despite that the Duke and Duchess of 
Suffolk and the Lady Katherine were in London 
very frequently during the reign of Edward VI, 
there is no record of the Lady Katherine having 
been to her cousin's court, not even on the occasion 
when her sister Jane figured rather prominently 
at the revels given in honour of the queen dowager 
of Scotland, when she passed through London 
on her way northwards. Katherine was probably 
too young ; but there is a touching record extant, 

1 Aylmer, however, knew Lady Katherine Grey well, for 
in one of his letters from Italy he desires to be remembered to 
her. We may, therefore, conclude that he had at least some 
share in her education; but whereas Jane Grey*s calligraphy 
is very fine, for the period, Katherine's is nearly illegible, and 
her letters are not well expressed. 

96 



Birth and Childhood 



proving that, notwithstanding a slight disparity in 
age (only two years, however), a great affection 
existed between Lady Jane Grey and her sister. 
On Whit-Sunday (probably May 21) 1553, 
the day on which Lady Jane became the bride 
of Lord Guildford Dudley, Katherine was married, 
or rather, contracted — she was only thirteen 
years old at the time — to Henry, Lord Herbert, 
eldest son of the Earl of Pembroke, who was 
just a little over nineteen. After the ceremony (it 
was no more than a ceremony), the very youthful 
*' bride " lived, according to custom, under her 
father-in-law's roof at Baynard's Castle, the 
ancient palace on the Thames, within the walls 
of which Pembroke proclaimed his allegiance to 
Mary on the last day of Queen Jane's reign. Lady 
Katherine, unlike her sister Jane, was not blessed 
(or cursed) with a mother-in-law, for Anne Parr, 
only sister of Queen Katherine Parr and mother 
of Lord Herbert, had died some months before 
her son's marriage and her husband's accession 
to the rank of earl. The young '' bride's " father- 
in-law, however, must have been the reverse of a 
pleasant companion — his selfishness, craft, and 
brutality, like his enormous wealth, were common 
talk. When he expelled the abbess and nuns 
from the royal abbey of Wilton, which had been 
bestowed upon him by Henry VHI, he is said to 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

have struck some of them with his whip, exclaim- 
ing, *' Go spin, ye jades, go spin ! " Like the 
majority of his peers, indeed, he was a staunch 
Protestant under Edward VI, a *' Janeite '' for 
something near nine days, and, when Mary came 
to the Throne, so fervent a Cathohc that he actu- 
ally invited the nuns of Wilton to return to 
their old home, and stood bareheaded as they 
filed into it in his presence. 

Lady Katherine Grey was still at Baynard's 
Castle during the whole of the last days of the 
tragic existence of her unfortunate sister, and was 
not, as usually stated, at Sheen. The more 
minute details of what had befallen Lady Jane 
may have been spared her; but surely she must 
have been acquainted with the general outline 
of what was happening to her father and mother 
and to the victim of their ambition, the '' Nine- 
days' Queen.'' There is no evidence, however, 
that during the time Lady Jane was on the Throne, 
Lady Katherine Grey ever entered the Tower, 
and she certainly never saw her sister again; but 
she was remembered by her in one of the most 
exquisite letters of the period.^ 

^ It was written by Lady Jane, on the evening of Sunday, 
February ii (the night before her execution), on the blank 
sheets in her favourite Greek Testament. This may now 
be seen in the British Museum. 

98 



Birth and Childhood 



The letter runs as follows : — 

** I have sent you, good sister Katherine, 
a book [i. e. the Testament], which, though 
it be not outwardly trimmed with gold, yet 
inwardly it is of more worth than precious 
stones. It is the book, dear sister, of the law? 
of the Lord; it is His Testament and last 
Will, which He bequeathed to us poor 
wretches, which shall lead us to the path of 
eternal joy; and if you, with good mind and 
an earnest desire, follow it, it will bring you 
to immortal and everlasting life. It will 
teach you to live — it will teach you to die — 
it will win you more than you would have 
gained by the possession of your woeful 
father's lands, for if God had prospered him 
ye would have inherited his lands. 

'' If ye apply diligently to this book, trying 

to direct your life by it, you shall be inheritor 

of those riches as neither the covetous shall 

withdraw from you, neither the thief shall 

steal, nor the moth corrupt. Desire, dear 

sister, to understand the law of the Lord 

your God. Live still to die, that you by 

death may purchase eternal life, or, after your 

death, enjoy the life purchased for you by 

Christ's death. Trust not that the tenderness 
H 2 99 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

of your age shall lengthen your life, for 

as soon as God will, goeth the young as 

the old. Labour alway and learn to die. 

Deny the world, defy the devil, and despise 

the flesh. Delight only in the Lord. Be 

penitent for your sins, but despair not. Be 

steady in your faith, yet presume not, and 

desire, with St. Paul, to be dissolved, to be 

with Christ, with Whom, even in death, there 

is life. Be like the good servant, and even 

in midnight be waking, lest when death 

Cometh, he steal upon you like a thief in the 

night, and you be, with the evil servant, 

found sleeping, and lest for lack of oil ye be 

found like the first foolish wench,^ and like 

him that had not the wedding garment, ye 

be cast out from the marriage. Persist ye 

(as I trust ye do, seeing ye have the name of 

a Christian), as near as ye can, to follow the 

steps of your Master, Christ, and take up 

your cross, lay your sins on His back, and 

always embrace Him ! 

'* As touching my death, rejoice as I do, 

and adsist [i. e. consider] that I shall be 

delivered from corruption and put on in- 

corruption, for I am assured that I shall, 

for losing a mortal Hfe, find an immortal 

1 An allusion to the parable of the wise and foolish virgins. 
lOO 



Birth and Childhood 



felicity. Pray God grant that ye live in 
His fear and die in His love. . . . ^ neither for 
love of life nor fear of death. For if ye deny 
His truth to lengthen your life, God will 
deny you and shorten your days, and if ye 
will cleave to Him, He will prolong your days, 
to your comfort, and for His glory, to the 
which glory God bring mine and you here- 
after, when it shall please Him to call you. 
'' Farewell, dear sister; put your only trust 
in God, Who only must uphold you. 
'* Your loving sister, 

** Jane Duddely.'' 

Shortly after the '' Nine-days' Queen's " execu- 
tion, the Earl of Pembroke, true to his callous 
nature, and so as to avoid any suspicion of having 
supported the fallen cause, forced his son to annul 
his engagement with Lady Katherine, on the plea 
that it had been a mere formality, and that the 
bride had been at the time betrothed to the young 
Earl of Hertford — a curious statement, certainly, 
when considered in the light of subsequent events. 
Camden says that she was officially " divorced,'' 
but this is not probable, there having been no 
marriage beyond a mere ceremony of contract. 

1 The next few lines are illegible, having evidently been 
blotted out by the writer's tears. 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

It was therefore simply annulled, and the bride, 
who, according to the custom of the period, 
had gone to live with her husband's parents, in 
order the better to form her future husband's 
acquaintance, was sent back to her mother. 
Strange to say, five years later (March 24, 
1559), the Count de Feria v/rote to King Philip 
of Spain stating that '' Lady Katherine has been 
hitherto very willing to marry the Earl of Pem- 
broke's son, but she has ceased to talk about it 
as she used to. The Bishop will have told Your 
Majesty what passed between the Earl of Pem- 
broke and me on this matter." It is easy to 
understand that Pembroke, recognizing Kathe- 
rine's position in respect to the succession, may 
have eventually regretted the over-hasty disso- 
lution of his son's betrothal, and desired that 
so advantageous a marriage should take place ; 
but why Katherine, at that time engaged to the 
Earl of Hertford, should have favoured Pembroke's 
son, is hard to say, unless she was suddenly 
temporarily jealous or annoyed with her fianci, 
or was simply pretending to approve of Pembroke's 
plan, in order to distract attention from her real 
engagement to the earl, which it was advisable 
to keep secret. 

Scarcely had Lady Katherine returned to the 
maternal roof from Baynard's Castle than she 
102 



Birth and Childhood 



ha(i|to undergo the trying ordeal of hearing of the 
executions of her father and uncle, and of witness- 
ing the callous manner in which these tragedies 
were treated by her mother. The Lady Frances's 
mourning for her husband or her daughter could 
not have been of long duration, for well within 
the first three weeks of her widowhood, regardless 
of the tragic fate of her daughter, her husband, 
and her brother-in-law, this heartless woman 
put aside her mourning robes, and, gaily attired, 
allowed herself to be led to the hymeneal altar 
by a ginger-headed lad of twenty-one, young 
enough to be her son and of such inferior rank that 
the Princess Elizabeth, in her indignation at so 
unequal a match, cried out : '' What ? Has the 
woman so far forgotten herself as to mate with a 
common groom \" '* A common groom,'' how- 
ever, Mr. Stokes was not. He was a member of 
a fairly good yeoman family and had been ap- 
pointed secretary and groom of the chambers 
to the princess some two years earlier, during 
which time he must not only have won her confi- 
dence, but been on terms of so unusually intimate 
a kind, that had his first child been born alive, 
which fortunately it was not, it might have 
claimed the paternity of the Duke of Suffolk, and 
have added another complication to the many 

as to the succession, the result of the irregular 
103 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

wills ^ made by Henry VIII and Edward VI, who 
both appointed the Lady Frances and her daughters 
the immediate heiresses to the Throne, in the 
event of the deaths without issue of the former 
king's daughters, Elizabeth and Mary. Perhaps 
the real reason why Lady Jane Grey never wrote 
to her mother in the last months of her hfe and 
never mentioned her in the letters to her sister 
Katherine and to her father, nor even on the 
margin of the Prayer Book (still in the possession 
of the nation) in which she has recorded her 
last thoughts, was that she was well aware of 
some scandal attaching to the Lady Frances in 
connection with the *' base-born " Mr. Adrian 
Stokes. There are portraits, both in one canvas, 
facing each other, of Mr. Adrian Stokes and the 
Lady Frances, at Chatsworth. The gentleman 
is distinctly plain and common looking — he might 
indeed be a groom, with his ginger hair, his colour- 
less eyes and rather silly expression. He wears 
a very rich doublet of black velvet, furred with 
ermine; whereas the Lady Frances, a buxom, but 
sour and ill-tempered looking lady, bearing a 
strange resemblance to her uncle, Henry VIII, is 
attired in a dress of black satin, with a jewelled 
pattern. She wears the well-known Mary Stuart 

1 For a detailed account of Henry VII I's will, see The Nine- 
days Queen, by Richard Davey, p. 109. 
104 



Birth and Childhood 



coif and some fine jewels. In the corner of the 
picture figures the date *' 1555 '' and the words, 
** Adrian Stokes, aged twenty-one, and Lady 
Frances Duchess of Suffolk, aged thirty-six " — 
she looks fully ten years older. 

The question arises, Why did Lady Frances 
marry Mr. Stokes ? The match appeared, even 
at that time, an incredible breach of common 
decency. Was it a love-passion; or was it not 
rather the result of well pondered policy? 
The Lady Frances might easily have been selected 
as the head of one or other of the numerous parties 
then existing in England, in order that she should 
become a possible successor or even rival to Queen 
Mary. The fact that she was the wife of a '' base- 
born knave '' made it almost an impossibility 
that she could be used as a tool against the queen. 
The people would never have accepted her as a 
ruler, nor would they have allowed her offspring, 
notwithstanding the example of Katherine of 
Valois and Owen Tudor, to have succeeded to the 
Throne. This was the view of the case taken, 
even at the time, at court; for the French am- 
bassador speaks of it as simply a move on the 
part of the Lady Frances to get herself tacitly 
excluded from the succession, and thereby en- 
able her to lead a peaceful existence. It may be 
remarked here that nearly all the greatest court 
105 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

ladies of the late King Edward's reign, including 
the Duchess of Somerset and Katherine, Duchess 
of Suffolk, married men who were their inferiors 
by birth and station. Katherine, Duchess of 
Suffolk, married her youthful secretary, Mr. 
Bertie; and Mr. Newdigate, Anne Stanhope, 
Duchess of Somerset's secretary, became, in due 
course, that haughty lady's husband. 



106 



CHAPTER II 

LADY KATHERINE GREY AT THE COURT OF 
QUEEN MARY 

Miss Agnes Strickland and other historians 
have fallen into the error of stating that Mary 
Tudor appointed the Lady Frances, Duchess of 
Suffolk, to be one of her women of the bed- 
chamber, and her two daughters, the Ladies 
Katherine and Mary Grey, maids of honour. A 
little reflection will show that such appointments 
were as impossible in Mary's time, as it would be, 
in our day, for Her present Majesty, to name the 
Duchess of Fife and her children, or the Princess 
Louise, Duchess of Argyll, to similar positions in 
her household. The Ladies Grey were royal 
princesses and possible successors to the reigning 
sovereign. Mary, therefore, simply restored to 
the royal Duchess of Suffolk her rights of pre- 
cedence and entrde at court, which had been with- 
drawn on account of her share in the conspiracy 
to place her daughter, the Lady Jane Grey, upon 
the Throne. A note among the Willoughby 
Papers (1556) probably gave rise to the error 
107 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

in question, by stating that '' Mrs. Margaret 
Willoughby has been to Court with the Lady 
Frances' Grace, who has her place in the Privy- 
chamber. Young Mistress Willoughby was much 
commended, and the Lady Frances' Grace did not 
doubt but, in a short time, to place her about the 
Queen's highness, so as to content all her friends." 
This, however, merely confirms what we have 
said above. Throughout her reign, owing to ill- 
health. Queen Mary received not only her intimate 
friends, but even ambassadors and other official 
persons, in her bed-chamber, whilst she lay, 
propped up with cushions, in the bed. 

The Lady Frances, after her ill-assorted 
marriage, lived with her young husband at Sheen, 
but came up to London to her house in the Strand 
(which she had not as yet sold, and on the site of 
which Northumberland House was subsequently 
built) whenever it suited her purpose to visit 
the queen or her other royal relatives. Though 
the Ladies Katherine and Mary Grey were not 
exactly ** received " into the queen's household — 
their rank forbade it — they accompanied the 
queen wherever she went, and lodged in the royal 
palaces. Mary did not wish the sisters of Lady 
Jane Grey to be far out of her sight and reach, 
lest they might be involved in some attempt to 

place either of them, and especially the Lady 
1 08 



Lady Katherine Grey 



Katherine, at the head of the Protestant party, in 
the position left vacant in so tragic a manner by 
their sister Jane. Mary, and after Mary's death, 
EHzabeth in her turn, paid each sister a pension 
of eighty pounds a year; but this was a bounty, 
not a salary. After the deaths of their father, 
uncle, and sister, the estates of the Greys, at 
Bradgate and elsewhere, were confiscated, and 
eventually passed by entail to the next male heir, 
Lord Grey of Pirgo ; and therefore the inheritance 
of the two sisters from their father was lost to 
them and never restored. It was otherwise with 
the Lady Frances, whose property, although con- 
siderably diminished by mortgages and loans, 
was never confiscated ; but the rents only sufficed 
for her own maintenance and that of her young 
husband. As to her daughters, this sinister lady 
does not seem to have troubled much about them. 
She apparently left their interests to Providence — 
and the queen. Lady Katherine Grey and her 
little sister were treated with consideration at 
the court of Queen Mary, and granted the state 
and precedence due to princesses of the blood, as 
is clearly indicated in the records of the time, by 
an apparently trivial mention, that '' their trains 
were upheld by a gentlewoman '' on all great 
occasions, a privilege only accorded to members of 

the royal family. 

109 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

The contrast between the secluded Hfe which 
she had led at Baynard's Castle, and the court 
of Queen Mary, must have been great, and 
afforded, to a very young girl of Katherine's age, 
sufficient amusement to make her forget the 
sorrows through which she had recently passed. 
The Duke of Somerset, when protector, had 
reduced the household expenses of Edward VI 
to about half what they had been in the reign 
of his father, Henry VIII. Queen Mary, being 
economically inclined, although aware that she 
must make a great figure if she wished to captivate 
Philip of Spain, did not restore things to the splen- 
did state in which they had been in her father's 
time. She reduced the number of her servants 
and attendants, but in a measure increased the 
splendour of their costumes. Like her sister 
Elizabeth, she was inordinately fond of dress, with 
this difference, however, that she had perfect taste; 
and fortunately for her, fashion was not then as 
grotesque as it became later on, when good Queen 
Elizabeth wore farthingales four yards in circum- 
ference, and a ruff that gave her head the appear- 
ance of being in the centre of her body. Mary's 
household was ordered almost on monastic lines. 
Mass every morning, saying the rosary, evening 
and night prayers, and pious readings took up 

much of the ladies' time. They were, moreover, 
no 




{To face p. 
MARY TUDOR, QUEEN OF ENGLAND 
{Front a little known portrait ly Antonio Mojo, in the Escicrial) 



Lady Katherine Grey 



expected to accompany the queen to hear innu- 
merable sermons, and to follow her in the countless 
religious processions which were now revived with 
exaggerated zeal. The queen, it is true, occasion- 
ally indulged in a stately measure, was fond of 
music and not a little, also, of cards; but until the 
advent of Philip, her court was as decorous as it 
was dull. 

Lady Katherine Grey's first appearance at the 
court of the queen, her cousin, was on the occasion 
of Mary's marriage to Philip of Spain in July 
1554, when she is mentioned as being among the 
ladies who rode in that startling red-lacquered 
chariot, lined with crimson velvet and specially 
constructed for the purpose, that so delighted 
contemporaries, and conveyed Her Majesty and 
her ladies over the very rough roads between 
London and Winchester, rendered still more dread- 
ful by an almost incessant downpour of rain which 
had lasted for some weeks. The queen and her 
suite reached Winchester on Monday, July 23, on 
the same day that Prince Philip left Southamp- 
ton, where he had landed, after seven days' rough 
voyage from Corunna, on Thursday, July 19. 
At Southampton he had been lodged in the palace, 
specially adorned with tapestries sent down from 
London. The decorations of his bedroom puzzled 

and displeased him not a little, for it was hung 
III 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

with crimson velvet embroidered "in many places" 
with the arms of England, bordered with scrolls 
on which figured the words, '' Defender of the 
Faith and Head of the Church,'' in raised letters 
of gold and silver, interlaced with the roses of York 
and Lancaster. Philip, a beUigerent Catholic, 
did not like himself in the character of '' Defender 
of the [Protestant] Faith'' or as *'Head" of the 
Protestant or any other church. The people of 
Southampton seem to have been delighted with 
the personal appearance of the Spanish prince; 
contemporary documents describe him as possess- 
ing a '' bright complexion," which he certainly 
had not in ordinary life, and we may therefore 
conclude that he rouged for the occasion — a 
by no means unusual practice, even with men, 
in those days. Titian and Coelho have depicted 
Philip, and it would be hard to find a more un- 
pleasing countenance than that of this Prince of 
Naples, soon (1556) to be King Philip II of Spain 
and emperor of half the known world ; a strangely 
shaped conical head, a prematurely wrinkled fore- 
head, a chubby nose with large nostrils, and a pro- 
truding underlip, made up a most unprepossess- 
ing face, not even relieved by fine eyes, but merely 
by a pair of grey ones that rather emphasized than 
otherwise the sodden complexion of a gentleman 

who was, however, nothing like so unpleasant in 
1 12 



Lady Katherine Grey 



his manners as we have been led to fancy him. 
He was, at least at this period of his life, neither 
mean nor morose, but exceedingly alert, liberal, 
and courteous, even to menials. He arrived in 
England in the best of tempers, which was, how- 
ever, sorely tried during his short journey from 
Southampton to Winchester, performed, with a 
very numerous escort, on horseback. The roads 
were wretched, the rain and wind incessant, and 
at a given point, some three miles before reaching 
Winchester, the prince's horse shied, and Philip, 
Infante of Spain, Viceroy of Naples, Sicily, Austria, 
Flanders and the Indies, East and West, was sent 
sprawling, like an ordinary mortal, into a mud- 
heap, whence he emerged in such a filthy condition, 
that he had to be conveyed into a hut, washed, 
cleaned and furbished up generally for the rest 
of his ride. He reached Winchester towards 
evening, where he dined alone. He was then 
dressed afresh, the better to make a favourable 
impression upon the royal bride, who awaited 
him with the utmost impatience at the Bishop's 
palace. When he entered the great hall, the 
queen, gorgeously robed in white satin embroidered 
in silver, with a train of blue velvet, greeted him 
with every demonstration of affection. Philip 
himself was in white velvet, slashed with cloth of 

silver. He moreover wore a short cloak of black 
I 113 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

velvet, embroidered in gold with a design of 
pomegranates. A little before reaching Winches- 
ter, His Highness had been met at the wayside by 
a gentleman on horseback, bearing a ring from the 
queen, as a token of her regard, which ring Philip 
took great care to wear, and even to point to, when 
he first beheld Her Majesty. There had, however, 
been some trouble over the matter of the ring, for 
Lord Pembroke, who had been selected to convey 
it to the prince, spoke neither French, ItaHan, 
nor Spanish. Pembroke's speech on delivering 
the said ring was either misunderstood or wrongly 
translated, and Philip came to the conclusion that 
it was intended to warn him of some plot or other 
against him, for he was well aware of the intense 
dislike to the marriage entertained by the majority 
of the English ; and he even prepared to turn back. 
He, however, called the Duke of Alva and Count 
Egmont to him, and passing for shelter under the 
dripping boughs of a tree, consulted with them. 
Pembroke was now called also, and after a good 
deal of pantomiming, it was made clear that the 
ring was simply a matter of compliment, and not 
a warning; and thus, greatly relieved, the brilliant 
company galloped on, through the blinding wind 
and rain, as fast as their horses could speed. As 
the queen spoke Spanish fluently, no doubt Philip 

described this incident to her, and maybe it 
114 



Lady Katherine Grey 



explains why, shortly after the prince had entered 
her presence, Mary was observed to be laughing 
heartily as she conversed with him. 

The marriage of the Queen of England to the 
Prince of Naples and Spain took place in Win- 
chester Cathedral on July 25, being the Feast 
of St. James. Mary walked from the episcopal 
palace to the church, her cousin, the Lady 
Margaret Douglas (Lennox), carrying her train, 
assisted by Sir John Gage, the chamberlain. 
Behind her walked Lady Katherine Grey, '' her 
train upheld by a gentlewoman." Then came the 
queen's favourite women : the Lady Browne, Mrs. 
Jane Dormer, Mrs. Clarencieux, the Lady Bacon, 
Mrs. Sands, the beautiful Lady Magdalen Dacre, 
Mrs. Mary Finch, Jane Russell, Mrs. Shirley, and 
many others. In the chancel were assembled the 
distinguished Spanish noblemen and women who 
had accompanied the prince from Spain. The 
tall, majestic, but sinister-looking Duke of Alva, 
with his fine features, steely grey eyes, and long 
forked grey beard, must have been the observed 
of all observers, for he was already renowned and 
dreaded as a formidable opponent of the Reform. 
The handsome Count Egmont was also a con- 
spicuous personage in the prince's foreign escort. 
Within a few short years, together with his friend, 

Count Home, he was to be amongst Alva's most 
12 115 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

famous victims, and eventually to be immortalized 
in a tragedy by Schiller and an overture by 
Beethoven. After the wedding ceremony, per- 
formed by Dr. Gardiner, Bishop of Winchester, the 
illustrious company walked processionally to the 
episcopal palace, where a copious banquet was 
served, the royal table being furnished with plate 
of solid gold. A cupboard of nine stages, full of 
gold vases and silver dishes, was placed well in 
sight, for ornament rather than for use. In a 
gallery opposite was stationed a band of musicians, 
who played a selection of English and Spanish 
tunes; after which, four heralds, attired in their 
official tabards, entered, and between the first 
and the second courses, one of them, after much 
trumpeting, pronounced a congratulatory Latin 
panegyric in the queen's honour and in that of 
the Prince of Naples, which was received with 
tumultuous applause, though we may take it for 
granted that nine-tenths of the audience did not 
understand a word of what had been said ! At 
what we should call the dessert, a group of Win- 
chester boys pressed forward and grouped them- 
selves round their head-boy, who read a Latin 
epithalium ^ of his own composition. The queen 

1 The original copy is still preserved in the British Museum, 
bound up in a small volume of MSS., temp. Mary I. ** On 
the outer cover is written, in red ink, ' Marise Reginae,' show- 
ing this to be the copy presented to the Queen." 
ii6 



Lady Katherine Grey 



then most graciously introduced the lads to the 
prince, and they were all of them rewarded by 
Her Majesty and His Highness with gold and 
silver coins, tied up in little red bags. At the 
close of the banquet, Prince Philip rose and 
returned thanks to the Lords of the Privy Council 
and to the other English nobility present. At six 
o'clock the tables were cleared and taken up, and a 
little later the queen, who had retired for about an 
hour, returned to the hall, accompanied by her 
women, and spoke very graciously to the Spanish 
ladies. Among these were the Duchess of Alva, 
the Countess Egmont, the Countess Home, the 
Countess of Villhermosa, the Duquesa de las Neves, 
and many others, whose costumes were deemed so 
extraordinary and ludicrous by the English ladies 
that they had the greatest difficulty to conceal 
their merriment. We can imagine how the little 
Lady Katherine Gre}^ must have been diverted by 
the comical spectacle presented by the towering 
form of the Duchess of Alva, a very large and tall 
woman, attired in one of those gigantic farthin- 
gales with which Velazquez has made us familiar. 
It seems that the Duchess of Alva's huge petti- 
coat was embroidered in a design of parrots and 
squirrels pecking at cherries and oranges and other 
fruits, and even nuts : the whole on a ground of gold 

thread. No doubt it was a marvellous specimen 
117 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

of needlework, but when taken in conjunction 
with a formidable ruff of gold lace and a head- 
dress so peculiar as to baffle description, the 
presence of the august lady was well calculated to 
astonish and divert her English hosts, who were 
attired in the tasteful costume of the period. The 
Spanish ladies, who did not dance the English 
dances, after much ado consented to execute a 
Spanish fandango, to the amused delight of the 
queen and the court of England. 

What became of Lady Katherine Grey imme- 
diately after the marriage of the queen is not 
recorded. From Winchester the royal couple 
went to Basing Hall for their honeymoon, where 
they were splendidly entertained by the Marquis 
of Winchester ; but as the suites of the queen 
and her consort were, to use Dominie Sampson's 
expression, '* prodeegious,'' both in quality and 
quantity, a large contingent of them rode on to 
London to await their majesties' arrival. After a 
week at Basing Hall, the royal couple, with their 
courts, proceeded, in mended weather, to Windsor. 
The cavalcade consisted of fifty-two of the lumber- 
ing but vividly painted coaches then in vogue, 
containing about a dozen persons each : that 
occupied by the prince and the queen, who sat 
opposite each other precisely as they would have 

done in an omnibus, was the only one painted 
ii8 



Lady Katherine Grey 



scarlet. The passage of the royal party and their 
suite through the hamlets, villages, and small 
towns on the way, created, we may be sure, a 
delightful impression upon the country-folks, un- 
accustomed to seeing so many gay coaches, litters, 
cavaliers, and horsemen. Long before the inter- 
minable cortege reached Windsor, the sun shone 
out gloriously, as the noble silhouette of the 
incomparable castle, with its round and square 
towers rising majestically from the midst of its 
delicious surroundings of every tint of verdure, 
burst upon the delighted English and the surprised 
Spaniards, who had no conception that England 
— which, according to their letters home, they 
considered a land of barbarians — contained any 
palace so superb : one that could rival the finest 
of Spain, Italy, and the Netherlands. 

Windsor Castle was reached on August 4 ; and 
the next day, after solemn High Mass in St. 
George's Chapel, Prince Philip was invested with 
the Order of the Garter. It was noticed on this 
occasion that Mary was already beginning her 
fatal policy of giving her consort precedence in 
all things, as she contented herself with witnessing 
these ceremonies from a window, thus leaving 
PhiHp to be the central figure. After a great hunt 
in Windsor Forest on August 7, the court, on the 
9th, moved forward to Richmond, where it rested, 
119 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

until August 27, in that fair riverside palace, 
of which, unfortunately, so little has survived. 
On the morning of that day, Philip and Mary, in 
their state barges, escorted by nearly a hundred 
other craft, some of them manned by as many as 
forty oarsmen, rowed down the river to Suffolk 
Place, Southwark, where they spent the night 
before making their state entry into London. 
In those days, Suffolk Place, of which only a 
memory remains in the name of a mean court, was 
one of the most magnificent Tudor residences in 
England. It had been inherited by the queen's 
uncle, Charles Brandon, from his uncle Thomas, 
and sumptuously furnished for the reception of 
the queen-dowager, Mary Tudor. In the reign of 
Edward VI it was converted into a mint, but was 
now refurnished for the reception of Prince Philip. 
It is not likely that either the Lady Frances, or 
her daughters Katherine and Mary, were included 
in the state procession that started for Westminster 
from Suffolk Place early in the morning of the 
28th of August. The tragedy of Lady Jane was 
too fresh in the minds of the people for it to be 
prudent to recall it too forcibly by the presence 
in a public function of the mother and sisters of 
the numerous victims. The state entry of Philip 
and Mary into the metropolis must have been very 
curious, if only on account of the number of giants 
120 



Lady Katharine Grey 



which, for some unexplained reason, formed part 
of the usual pageants along the road : their 
towering height contrasted sharply with the very 
diminutive stature of the queen. Of greater 
interest probably to the people of London than 
this state entry was another procession which 
passed through the streets some months later, 
bearing to the Tower no less than ninety-seven iron 
chests, each a yard and a quarter in length, and 
reported to contain a quantity of Spanish silver, 
which, says Machyn, '' will mak by estymacyon 
I thousand pounds/' These chests were carried 
in carts specially constructed for the purpose, and 
guarded by Spaniards in rich liveries, and were 
greeted, so it was noted, with greater enthusiasm 
than was shown for either the prince or the queen. 
Naturally the people were well pleased to see so 
tangible a proof that the national exchequer, 
which had been emptied by Henry VIII and by 
the protector, under Edward VI, was being thus 
replenished by the otherwise intolerable Spaniards. 
Unhappily, in the midst of the coronation 
festivities, the old Duke of Norfolk died ; and in 
deference to his memory, the queen, who was 
probably very tired herself of these rejoicings, 
ordered that they should be suspended for some 
time. The court therefore proceeded to Hamp- 
ton Court, where it arrived on August 23 
121 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

(1554). and was met, we know, by Lady Kath- 
erine Grey, because a few days after their high- 
nesses' arrival, an important incident in the hfe 
of this young lady occurred^ — i.e. her meeting, 
after some years' separation, with young Edward 
Seymour, Earl of Hertford, the late Duke of 
Somerset's eldest son, who at one time had been 
much attached to Lady Jane Grey. He was not a 
very desirable suitor, it may be, for so great a lady 
as Katherine, since, besides being not very well off 
— ^having been deprived of his father's lands and 
titles — he was so undersized that he was generally 
called ''little Hertford"; whilst, as we shall see 
later on, he seems to have possessed a timorous 
and vacillating character. 

Meanwhile, the king and queen retired to a 
suite of beautiful Gothic chambers, known as 
** Paradise," which were destroyed in the seven- 
teenth century, when this part of the palace was 
rebuilt by William and Mary. Philip and Mary 
shut themselves up for nearly a week, much to the 
annoyance of the public, no one being admitted, 
except such ladies-in-waiting and gentlemen as 
were absolutely necessary for the service of the 
royal table and bedchamber. These days of 
peaceful seclusion were possibly the happiest of 
Mary's life : for she firmly believed Philip to be 

in love with her, and he played up to her fancy as 
122 




{To face p. 122 



THILIP II, KING OF SPAIN 
{From a cotitemporary Spanish prinf) 



Lady Katherine Grey 



deceitfully and skilfully as only he knew how. The 
royal pair would sit for hours together hand in 
hand, and even disappear down a private staircase, 
to meander, with their arms round each other's 
waists, like the commonest of lovers, across the 
lawns and the flower-bordered avenues of that 
charming and still delightful garden. The queen 
was infatuated, and firmly believed that in due 
course she would give birth to a son and heir — 
had not the fact been lately prophesied to her by 
a famous soothsayer ? Unfortunately, even thus 
early in his married life, Philip exhibited his fickle 
nature, in an amusing incident that moved the 
court to merriment. Among the ladies in attend- 
ance on Mary at this time was the beautiful Lady 
Magdalen Dacre, a friend of Lady Katherine Grey 
and of about her age. Her beaming face and her 
bright eyes soon attracted the attention of Philip, 
who watched an opportunity to pounce upon his 
fair prey and kiss her, whereupon the fiery young 
Englishwoman, breaking away from him, gave 
him a resounding box on the ears. Philip took 
his punishment prettily enough and made no 
complaint ; but the story of his defeat, spreading 
like wildfire through the court, created much 
amusement, and no doubt eventually reached Her 
Majesty's ears. 

Mr. Martin Hume published, some years ago, a 
123 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

very curious letter he found among the Spanish 
archives, giving a description of the few happy 
days Mary enjoyed with Phihp, from which we 
learn that the over numerous Spaniards who 
accompanied the prince were as much disgusted 
with the English as the English were with them. 
Left somewhat to themselves, thanks to the 
love-making of their sovereign, they made them- 
selves masters of Hampton Court. They could not 
endure the cooking; it was, they said, coarse, raw, 
and horrible. The famous " roast-beef of old 
England '' was unsuited to their palates, and their 
stomachs revolted at the quantity of strong beer 
which the attendants upon Mary imbibed so 
copiously that, according to the correspondent in 
question, by the time evening drew on, the majority 
of them were drunk. Further, this correspondent 
says: ''There is not a single Spanish gentleman 
here who would give a farthing for any of their 
women; and, to speak plainly, they care equally 
little for us Spaniards. The English, in fact, hate 
us as they do the devil, and in that spirit they treat 
us. If we go up to town to make purchases, we 
are sure to be cheated, and it is quite dangerous 
for us to venture into the country. As to their 
women, with few exceptions, they are most plain, 
very fat, and red in the face. They dress ex- 
tremely badly, and shuffle rather than walk, 
124 



Lady Katherine Grey 



There are eighteen kitchens in this royal palace, 
and every day there are consumed not less than 
one hundred sheep, twelve oxen, eighteen calves, 
and beer in such abundance, that the winter flow of 
the river at Valladolid is not greater in quantity." 
The amusing writer then proceeds to describe the 
queen. '' Bless you,'' says he, '' she is a very 
plain little lady, small, lean, with a pink-and-white 
complexion and no eyebrows ; very pious and very 
badly dressed/' In this matter of the queen's 
dress our Spanish critic probably preferred the 
Spanish fashion for ladies, with its *' vastie " 
farthingales and impossible head-dress, to the rich 
but sober costume which Queen Mary affected. 

Whilst Philip and Mary were spending an idylHc 
existence in the pleasant seclusion and surround- 
ings of their sequestered apartments, the ladies 
of the court no doubt availed themselves of the 
opportunity to enjoy a greater amount of freedom 
than court etiquette usually allows; and thus it 
came to pass than young Hertford and Lady 
Katherine met almost daily, either in the garden 
or in the palace itself, thereby adding fuel to the 
fire of that attachment between them which was 
eventually to prove so disastrous to both. That 
the Duchess of Somerset, the lad's mother, was 
aware of their love-making appears pretty cer- 
tain, and probably Mary herself was cognizant of 
125 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

it, and by no means disapproved. She felt sure 
she would become the mother of an heir to 
the Throne, and it mattered very little to her 
whom the Lady Katherine married, provided he 
was of sufficient rank. Notwithstanding that his 
mother, the duchess, was a very outspoken Protes- 
tant, Queen Mary always entertained a great 
affection for her, addressing her, in her numerous 
letters, as her " Dearest Nan." Indeed the early 
courting of Lady Katherine and Hertford was 
spent under the most auspicious circumstances, 
smiled upon by the queen and amidst the most 
charming and romantic surroundings. 

On the 28th of September the court removed 
from Hampton Court and went to Westminster 
Palace, and with it went Lady Katherine and all 
the ladies, young and old; and there is a record 
that, on the 30th of the month, the Lady Frances 
came up to town and paid her respects to the queen 
and her consort. She probably attended their 
highnesses to St. Paul's, where the whole court 
listened to a sermon preached by Gardiner. 

Meanwhile the Spaniards, who had flocked to 

London in great numbers, were the cause of 

perpetual trouble to the citizens and to themselves. 

Street fights between them and the Enghsh were 

of constant occurrence, and all sorts of brawls, as 

picturesque, no doubt, as they were unpleasant, 
126 



Lady Katherine Grey 



between the English gentlemen and the Spanish 
cavaliers, and Spanish valets and London ap- 
prentices, occurred almost daily — and especially 
nightly. Probably London felt itself well quit of 
this foreign invasion when the greater part of it 
followed Philip, on his return to vSpain in August 
1555, leaving the queen at Greenwich in the deep- 
est despondency. Before this, the Lady Katherine 
Grey had formed an intimacy with the two daugh- 
ters of the late Duke of Somerset, the Ladies 
Margaret and Jane Seymour, who had been 
appointed maids of honour to the queen. They 
are described as very good-looking young women, 
and Jane was even considered to be one of the 
most learned of her time. Shortly after the 
departure of Prince Philip, Lady Jane Seymour, 
who was very delicate, fell ill, and the queen 
allowed Lady Katherine to go with her to her 
mother, the Duchess of Somerset's house at 
Hanworth, which Mary had recently restored to 
her, and where the young Earl of Hertford was 
staying. As may be imagined, the courting which 
had begun at Hampton Court was continued, with 
renewed vigour, at Hanworth, Lady Jane Seymour 
being Lady Katherine's confidante. 



127 



CHAPTER III 

THE PROGRESS OF LADY KATHERINE'S LOVE 
AFFAIRS 

The happiest years of Lady Katherine's life 
were, according to her own account, those spent 
at the court of Queen Mary. She was too well 
versed in the politics of the time not to recognize 
that the queen's action with respect to her sister 
Jane was not a matter of private revenge but of 
public policy, approved and indeed endorsed by 
her Parliament. She bore witness, in after years, 
to the kindness and consideration she had received 
from Queen Mary, and the precedence accorded 
to her on all state occasions as a princess of the 
blood, allowing her to walk before any of the other 
great ladies of the court, excepting the Princess 
Elizabeth, the Lady Frances, and Henry VHTs 
fourth wife and only surviving widow, Anne of 
Cleves. Queen Mary, unlike her successor Eliza- 
beth, insisted upon her ladies and maids of honour 
paying the utmost attention to their religious 
duties, and was, moreover, very vigilant as to 

their manners and their morals. So long as her 
128 



Lady Katherine's Love Affairs 

health permitted, together with all her court, she 

heard Mass every morning in the palace chapel, 

or in her bedroom, when she was ill. Very 

frequently she attended Vespers, together with all 

her court, besides taking her part in those numerous 

religious processions — which had been suppressed 

since her father's reign — round the cloisters of 

Westminster Abbey and the courtyards of her 

palaces, on saints' days and holy days. Of an 

evening, when at needlework with her ladies, 

hymns and litanies were sung; so that King 

Philip, notwithstanding his zeal for the Church, 

was somewhat depressed by so much piety, when 

he returned to England in 1556, and observed that 

" his wife's court was now become like that of 

some abbess, there was so much praying and 

psalm-singing." No doubt. Lady Katherine Grey 

joined in all these pious exercises, and it was even 

reported that, at this period, she followed her 

mother's example, and reverted to the Church of 

Rome. She was certainly not a very staunch 

Protestant, since she told Feria that she was '' as 

good a Catholic as any." 

At the court of Queen Mary, Lady Katherine 

Grey formed one or two interesting friendships. 

She kept up her connection with Mrs. Saintlow, 

who, however, does not seem to have troubled 

Queen Mary overmuch with her presence; and 
K 129 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

she became intimate with Jane Dormer, Countess 
de Feria, an extremely beautiful young woman, 
belonging to a very ancient Catholic family, for 
whom the queen entertained a great affection. 
This lady has left a book of memoirs, printed 
some fifty years ago, which contains many inter- 
esting details of life at the court of England 
under the rule of Mary Tudor. This friendship 
between Katherine Grey and the Countess of Feria 
proved dangerous, since it placed the former in 
immediate communication with the Spanish am- 
bassador, and led to her being compromised in one 
of the most remarkable plots of the many connected 
with the succession that rendered Elizabeth's life 
a misery to her. So great was the influence of the 
Ferias over Lady Katherine that, in March 1559, 
the count could write to King Philip triumphantly 
stating that she had actually given him her 
solemn promise that she would not marry without 
his consent, nor change her religion, which points 
to the fact that, as we have said above, she had 
become a Catholic. Another of Lady Katherine's 
intimates at this time was Surrey's *' Fair Geral- 
dine,'' the beautiful Lady Clinton, who, although 
a professed Protestant, was beloved by Queen 
Mary, who retained her in her privy-chamber, 
together with Lady Bacon and one or two other 

ladies who approved of the Reformation. She 
130 



Lady Katherine's Love Affairs 

had married, when very young, the elderly Sir 
Anthony Browne, who was master of the horse to 
Henry VIII, and had been left by him a rich 
widow. Her second husband was Lord Clinton, 
who in due time became Earl of Lincoln. Lady 
Katherine held her in such high esteem that she 
bequeathed her a legacy in her will. 

Of Katherine's mode of life at Mary's court 
in the last years of that unhappy queen's reign, 
we know very little, beyond the fact that she is 
occasionally mentioned as attending Her Majesty 
on various state occasions ; but we may rest assured 
that she knew the cause of all the many sorrows 
and troubles — the unrequited love, the failing 
health of mind and body — that rendered those last 
years of Mary's life so gloomy and yet so path- 
etic, during that fearful time when London was 
lighted by the lurid flames of Smithfield. Lady 
Katherine saw Queen Mary neglected by her 
husband; she knew of the tragic story of the 
dropsy mistaken for pregnancy, and as she was 
with Mary during the last weeks of her life, she 
must often have seen her sitting on the floor, 
her hands clasping her knees and her forehead 
resting upon them, her long grey hair stream- 
ing round her. She would sit for hours thus, 
silently nursing her knees; or lifting up her 
face, would stare vacantly, her mind far away 
K2 131 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

in dreams, her eyes not recognizing even those 
who stood nearest to her. When at last death 
released this queen of woes from her suffering, 
and her sister, who had been hastily summoned 
from Hatfield, rode triumphantly to London to 
succeed her and attend her obsequies, Lady Kathe- 
rine Grey and her sister Lady Mary walked from 
St. James's Palace to Westminster Abbey in the 
solemn funeral procession of a queen who ought 
to have been beloved, but who, owing to cir- 
cumstances beyond her control, died hated and 
defamed as '* Bloody Mary." 

During the last two years of Mary's life, young 
Hertford's courtship of Lady Katherine Grey 
progressed smoothly enough, approved by the 
queen, by the Lady Frances and her husband, 
and also, in a certain degree, by that shrewd virago, 
his mother the Duchess of Somerset, who, however, 
expressed some anxiety lest such an alliance might 
eventually lead to '' the undoing of her son." 
Had Mary Hved, there is no doubt but that the 
marriage would have taken place with $tate in 
the presence of the queen and the whole court, 
without the least let or hindrance. 

After the funeral of Queen Mary, Lady Katherine 

went to the Charterhouse, Sheen, to stay for a few 

weeks with her mother, who was very ill at this 

time — like unto death. Here the matter of her 
132 



Lady Katherine's Love Affairs 

betrothal to young Hertford was resumed with 
renewed energy. The young gentleman was in- 
vited to Sheen, where every opportunity was 
afforded him, under the auspices of the Lady 
Frances and her husband, Mr. Adrian Stokes, to 
meet his fiancee and her little sister Lady Mary ; but 
nothing was concluded, the marriage being left 
an open question, as the Lady Frances recovered 
soon afterwards. Both the sisters were then 
summoned back to the palace at Whitehall, where 
Elizabeth gave them apartments, which they were 
*' to retain as their own, even when absent.'' 
Her Majesty received her young cousins with 
some display of an affection which she certainly 
never really felt for either of them. Katherine, 
on the other hand, took the queen's advances 
coldly; she was annoyed, so she told Feria, that 
Elizabeth refused to accept her as her successor, 
and her dignity was hurt at the fact that the 
queen had only made her one of her ladies of the 
presence, *' whereas she was in the privy-chamber 
of the late queen, who showed her much favour. 
The present queen," he adds, '' probably bears her 
no goodwill." Elizabeth thought it good policy, 
however, to keep Lady Katherine, of whom she 
was seriously afraid, near her, because, so far as 
England was concerned, she was an even greater 
danger to the safety of the Throne than was Mary 
133 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Stuart, since Lady Katherine's position, in the 
matter of the succession, was defined by two 
royal wills, and by a special Act of Parliament ; 
whereas the Scotch queen's was never confirmed, 
either in the wills of Henry VIII or Edward VI, 
nor by any Act of Parliament. 

Queen EHzabeth's court formed a striking 
contrast to that of her sister Mary. ** Gloriana " 
had restored all the extravagant magnificence of 
Henry VIII's time : all, save the supreme artistic 
taste that distinguished the best period of the Re- 
naissance, but which had almost entirely died away 
by the time of the accession of Elizabeth, whose 
egregious farthingales, ridiculous ruffs and towering 
head-dresses, disfigured herself and her courtiers, 
and rendered them a laughing-stock to foreigners. 
'' This queen,'' says the Venetian envoy, " exag- 
gerates everything in a manner so preposterous 
that instead of inspiring awe, she excites laughter. 
Her ruff is sometimes so high, that her face 
appears to be in the middle of her body. She 
wears more jewels than any other princess, but 
as she has no discernment, they look tawdry and 
valueless. She is a handsome woman, of dignified 
carriage and fairly tall. Her face is oval, her 
features aquiline; her eyes very black and piercing; 
and her hair changes its colour, but is generally 
red — to match her clothes." Surrounded by 
134 




{To face p. 134 



QUEEN ELIZABETH 
{From the~_original portrait' by F. Zucchero, at Hatjield) 



Lady Katherine's Love Affairs 

courtiers and ladies attired after a similar gro- 
tesque fashion, *' Gloriana '' must indeed have 
presented a marvellous spectacle, especially when 
she was carried in a sort of palanquin borne by 
six noblemen, that made her look for all the 
world like a Hindu idol. 

Absorbed, therefore, in her political intrigues and 
her private amusements, Elizabeth, who was the 
strangest mixture of wisdom and folly that ever 
occupied a throne, cared very little about her 
ladies' morals. Provided they were punctually 
on hand whenever she wanted them, she was 
content to allow them to go their own ways, 
always, however, on the condition they created no 
public scandal. Under these circumstances. Lady 
Katherine Grey may have even preferred the greater 
freedom allowed under the Elizabethan regime ^ to 
the rigorous round of pious exercises that made up 
the routine of court life under Queen Mary. 

Meanwhile, in March 1559, the Lady Frances 
being still very sick, her daughters were once 
more sent for, and, with the queen's permission, 
arrived at the Charterhouse at Sheen one windy 
day towards evening. The scheme for the marriage 
of Lady Katherine with young Hertford was 
now revived with greater vigour than ever. 

The Lady Frances was in such very bad health 
that she evidently wished, before leaving this 
135 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

world, to provide her eldest surviving daugh- 
ter with a husband. The Lady Frances had 
recently given birth to a child, which, not- 
withstanding the attention and skill of Dr. 
Wendy, had died almost as soon as it was 
born; but although its mother failed to gain 
strength, her mind continued very clear. Calling 
one day the Lady Katherine and young Hert- 
ford to her, she declared it was her opinion 
that he (Hertford) '' would make a very suitable 
husband for her daughter Katherine, if the queen 
would only see it in the same light; but she (the 
Lady Frances) would have nothing to do with 
the matter unless with the queen's knowledge 
and consent, and that of her honourable council." 
Mr. Stokes then drew Hertford aside, and taking 
him into an inner room, held a consultation with 
him. He thought, as the Lady Frances was so 
near a kinswoman of the queen, it would be well 
if she wrote Her Majesty a letter on the subject. 
This advice pleased Hertford, and the two gentle- 
men set to work to frame what they deemed a 
suitable letter. They, however, considered it wise, 
before obtaining the Lady Frances's signature, to 
consult Mr. Bertie, the husband of the other 
dowager Duchess of Suffolk, Katherine Willoughby, 
who had returned from his exile in Poland, and 

who apparently expressed considerable sympathy 
136 



Lady Katherine's Love Affairs 

with the lovers. They therefore rode to London, 
to the Barbican, where Duchess Katherine had her 
house, and not only saw Mr. Bertie, but a Mr. 
Gilgate and a Mr. Strikely, who were apparently 
in the employ of the duchess and Mr. Bertie. 
Whatever may have been their exact social posi- 
tion, they were taken into the secret, as they were 
probably necessary as witnesses to documents that 
might have to be signed. The duchess and her 
husband and all concerned considered it imperative 
that, before any further steps w^re taken, Elizabeth 
should be made aware of all that was going on, 
and, if possible, conciliated and induced to counte- 
nance the match. If these worthy people thought 
that Elizabeth was likely to be ''conciliated,'' they 
knew evidently ver\^ little about her, for of all the 
happenings of this world, the one she dreaded most 
was precisely the marriage of Lady Katherine and 
her having children, for, as she observed later on, 
'' it was bad enough to have Lady Katherine to 
deal with, let alone to endure her brats." She 
was determined, she added, '' to keep the sisters 
Grey, spinsters." She bore no personal dislike 
to either of them, if they would only do as she 
wished, but if they were rebellious, she would be 
obliged to act, in her own defence and in that of 
the realm. 

On their return to Sheen, Hertford and Mr. 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Stokes found the Lady Frances much worse. 
Greatly alarmed, they conceived it to be their duty 
to act as promptly as possible. They were terribly 
afraid of Elizabeth, and did not hesitate to say so, 
even in the presence of the dying woman. They 
advised the duchess to send at once for her 
daughters, who had returned to court a few days 
earlier. On informing Elizabeth that their mother 
was not expected to live, the queen gave them 
permission to go back immediately, sending them 
in one of her own palanquins or litters. They 
arrived to find the duchess propped up with 
cushions, and looking very ill indeed. The Lady 
Frances, taking Katherine's hand in hers, and 
stretching out her other hand to Hertford, said : 
'' Daughter Kate, I have found a husband for you, 
if you like well to frame your fancy and good- will 
in his direction.'' On this the Lady Katherine 
replied that she was very willing so to do, as she 
loved Hertford very dearly. The Lady Frances, 
thinking that a message from one who was so near 
her end might influence the queen, called her 
husband, Mr. Adrian Stokes, to her, and asked him 
to frame a letter for her which should be delivered 
to the queen, and he, bending over her, declared 
that '' he would be right glad to do so.'' He then, 
with the assistance of Hertford, wrote a draft of 
the letter which was to be addressed to Elizabeth, 

138 



Lady Katherine's Love Affairs 

and which ran much as follows : '' That such a 
nobleman did bear good- will to her daughter the 
Lady Katherine, and that she did humbly require 
the Queen's Highness to be good and gracious lady 
unto her, and that it would please Her Majesty 
to assent to the marriage of her to the said Earl, 
which was the only thing she desired before her 
death, and should be the occasion for her to die 
the more quietly/' This draft of the letter, 
which was never sent, was read out at the sub- 
sequent trial which took place after the clandestine 
marriage of the Lady Katherine with the Earl 
of Hertford. Mr. Stokes on that occasion said : 
*' My Lord of Hertford would not let me send the 
letter, for he took fright at the boldness of it and 
said he would not care to meddle any more in the 
matter." Mr. Stokes did not seem to think this 
was a very manly thing on Hertford's part ; but 
Hertford was not manly, only a very small, 
delicate, frail-looking young gentleman, who, 
however, like so many other frail and sickly 
looking youths, contrived to live to a very advanced 
age. These occurrences took place somewhere in 
March : throughout the spring and summer the 
Lady Frances lingered on, a very sick woman, 
rarely if ever rising from her bed or her couch, 
but frequently visited by her daughters, who 
brought her kind messages and gifts from Eliza- 
139 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

beth, still in complete ignorance of the matrimonial 
project. Hertford seems to have been a good 
deal at Sheen, though nothing was determined as 
to the marriage. It was apparently, under advice, 
deemed safest to leave the whole concern in abey- 
ance until after the Lady Frances's death ; which 
took place, in the fifty-fifth year of her age, in 
the presence of her husband and children, on 
the 2oth November 1559. Elizabeth gave her 
'* beloved " cousin a right royal burial, worthy 
of a princess of the blood. She was repre- 
sented by her chamberlain, and the court put on 
the mourning usual for a member of the royal 
family. The Ladies Katherine and Mary Grey 
attended their mother's funeral, *' having their 
trains upheld by gentlewomen." Clarencieux 
stood at the head of the coffin, and cried out, at a 
given moment, in a loud voice : " Laud and praise 
be to Almighty God, that it hath pleased Him to 
call out of this transitory life into His eternal 
glory, the most noble and excellent Princess, the 
Lady Frances, late Duchess of Suffolk, daughter 
to the right high and mighty Prince, Charles 
Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, and of the most noble 
and excellent Princess, Mary the French Queen, 
daughter to the most illustrious King Henry VH." 
The Communion Service was then read in Enghsh, 
and a carpet laid before the high altar for the 
140 



Lady Katherine's Love Affairs 

chief mourners to kneel upon. At the Communion, 
the Ladies Katherine and Mary, kneehng upon this 
carpet, received the Holy Communion, Dr. Jewel 
having previously preached the usual panegyric. 
When the service was over, Mr. Adrian Stokes, who 
had been chief mourner, went back to the Charter- 
house, with his step-daughters, in the very chariot 
that had borne the Lady Frances's coffin to the 
abbey : they literally returned on the hearse ! 
The Lady Frances is buried in St. Edmund's 
Chapel, on the south side of the abbey. Her tomb 
is a handsome specimen of the art of the period, 
and although considerably damaged, the likeness 
between the face of the effigy and that in the 
famous portrait is remarkable. Quite close to the 
Lady Frances's tomb is an upright figure of a 
small girl, kneeling. Is this the tomb of her child 
by Adrian Stokes, which died in infancy ; or is it, 
as Stow seems to imply, that of her daughter, 
the dwarfish Lady Mary Grey ? By her will, the 
Lady Frances left all her possessions to her hus- 
band for life, with reversion to her two daughters. 
As Mr. Stokes outlived them both, they never in- 
herited much of their mother's property, except 
the proceeds of the sale of some land near Oxford 
and of several other manors which were in her 
possession at the time of her last illness, and 

concerning the disposal of which she wrote 
141 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

to Cecil some eight or ten days before her 
death. 

The Ladies Katherine and Mary Grey, on their 
return to Westminster, found themselves in pecu- 
niary straits, although their embarrassment was, it 
seems, relieved by Mr. Stokes, out of the money he 
had received from his late wife's executors. Eliza- 
beth welcomed her bereaved cousins with much 
apparent sympathy. She was, or pretended to be, 
most affectionate to them, and even called Lady 
Katherine '' her daughter,'' although, as Quadra, 
the Spanish ambassador, says, *' the feeling 
between them could hardly have been that of 
mother and child." " But," he goes on to say, 
*' the Queen has thought best to put her [Lady 
Katherine] in her chamber and makes much of 
her in order to keep her quiet. She even talks 
about formally adopting her." 

Whilst still in the early weeks of her mourning 
for her mother, the Lady Katherine received 
information that greatly distressed her. Young 
Hertford, so she was told, had been paying his 
addresses to the daughter of Sir Peter Mewtas,^ 
a piece of news that made her very jealous and 
unhappy. Seeing the state of nervous prostration 
into which Lady Katherine was thrown by Hert- 

^ There is a very beautiful picture in the King's collection, 
representing the mother of this young lady. 
142 



Lady Katherine's Love Affairs 

ford's alleged infidelity, Lady Jane Seymour 
insisted upon knowing what was the matter, 
whereupon Katherine confessed to her tearfully 
that she had heard there was love-making between 
Mistress Mewtas and Lord Hertford. On the 
following day, the Lady Jane obtained leave to go 
to Hanworth, where Hertford was staying with 
his mother, the Duchess of Somerset. She taxed 
her brother, in no measured terms, with his lack 
of fidelity to the Lady Katherine, to which he 
replied that he knew nothing of the matter of the 
daughter of Sir Peter Mewtas, that the whole 
story was a falsehood, and that he was willing to 
live or die for the sake of Lady Katherine. He 
added that if she would but consent to marry him, 
he was willing to defy Elizabeth, and he thought 
that the sooner the marriage took place the 
better; and so saying, he drew from his finger a 
ring with a pointed diamond in it, and gave it to 
his sister to carry to the Lady Katherine. Armed 
with this bond of peace. Lady Jane Seymour 
returned to London and found Lady Katherine, 
to whom she gave the ring and her brother's 
message. '' My little love, my little love,'' said 
Katherine, '' well pleased am I that he should thus 
treat me," and drying her eyes, she became once 
more her cheerful self. 

Amongst Lady Katherine Grey's friends at the 
143 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

court of Elizabeth was a certain Mrs. Blanche 
Parry,^ widow of Sir Thomas Parry, and a pupil, 
in the occult arts, of the famous Dr. Dee.^ Eliza- 
beth entertained for Blanche not only a great 
affection, but also held her in a sort of awe. She 
believed implicitly in her favourite's powers, and 
never a week passed that Blanche Parry was not 
admitted to confidential interviews with her august 
mistress, whose innermost secrets she possessed, 

1 Blanche Parry was the widow of Sir Thomas Parry, who 
succeeded Mr. Saintlow as comptroller of the queen's house- 
hold. She was a palmist of considerable skill; and an ancient 
black-letter volume on Palmistry, containing a great many 
very curious plates, is still in the library at Charlcote Hall. 
It is said by tradition to have belonged to Blanche Parry : 
if so, she " told the hand " exactly as it is '' told " by the 
occult sisterhood of Bond Street and other fashionable parts 
of London in our time. Mrs. Parry was also a crystal-gazer. 

2 Dr. Dee, who was born in 1527, was a man of superior 
attainments, and a clever mathematician. He took his 
degree as Master of Arts in 1548 at Cambridge. Being 
suspected as a sorcerer, he left England in the same year, 
but returned in the reign of Edward VI, who took a great 
fancy to him. Under Mary, he was imprisoned for attempt- 
ing the queen's life by witchcraft. After Elizabeth ascended 
the throne, he became such a favourite with her that she 
sent her own doctors to him when he was ill; and ^he also 
despatched him to investigate the recently discovered Ameri- 
can territory. In 1583 he went to live in Bohemia with a 
Polish nobleman, who was likewise suspected of necromancy, 
and the two succeeded in imposing on a great many people 
on the Continent. Dee eventually returned to England, was 
made Chancellor of St. Paul's Cathedral, and died at Mort- 
lake in 1608. He possessed a magic mirror in which Elizabeth 
placed great faith and which she frequently consulted. 

144 



Lady Katherine's Love Affairs 

and, through her knowledge of palmistry, not only 
shared, but even guided. 

Blanche was a handsome and amiable woman, 
who used her influence over her mistress to 
the advantage of others as well as of her- 
self. One day. Lady Katherine asked her to 
'' do '' her hand for her, and Blanche, who was 
probably well aware of all that was going on 
between young Hertford and her royal client, 
told her : '' The lines say, madam, that if you ever 
marry without the queen's consent in writing, you 
and your husband will be undone, and your fate 
worse than that of my Lady Jane.'' Katherine 
paid very little attention to the admonition, but 
went her way to perdition blindly. In after years 
she probably remembered Blanche Parry's saga- 
cious advice, for she left her a legacy in her will, 
as also did her sister. Lady Mary Grey, another of 
Blanche's clients and friends. 



H5 



CHAPTER IV 

QUEEN ELIZABETH AND HER SUCCESSION 

In the year 1560, Elizabeth's position became 
very precarious; her popularity was rapidly dimin- 
ishing, owing to the evil reports spread abroad 
by her enemies, with respect to the nature of her 
intimacy with the Lord Robert Dudley. The 
Spanish ambassador wrote to King Philip, early 
in the year, that he was amazed by *' the new 
queen's flightiness," and remarks that *' there is no 
understanding this woman. She will surely come 
to trouble of her own making." Elizabeth was 
at her wits' end to know exactly what to do. 

Her equanimity was greatly disturbed by the 

question of the succession, and she was advised 

on all hands to marry, and by having an heir of 

her own, so to speak, succeed herself. , It was 

freely bruited about — and the foreign envoys 

frequently allude to the slander — that she was 

already a mother, and many strange stories 

were current concerning a daughter she had had 

by Dudley, which was being brought up secretly. 

Others said that the queen could never know 
146 



Queen Elizabeth and Her Succession 

maternity, although she herself, like her sister 
Mary, seems to have believed that sooner or later 
she would have offspring to succeed her, and it 
was stated that this was the reason she stead- 
fastly refused, to the end, to nominate an heir. 
When, in 1563, a deputation from the lords 
waited upon her, to urge her to come to some 
definite decision in the matter, Elizabeth rounded 
on them fiercely, crying out that the marks 
on her face were not wrinkles, but the pits of 
small-pox, and that '' although she might be old, 
God could send her children as He did to Saint 
Ehzabeth/' She warned them to consider well 
what they did in this affair of the succession, 
*' as if she declared a successor, it would cost 
much blood to England/' 

Yet for all her desire to have an heir of her own 
body, Elizabeth was at heart loath to marry: 
Philip of Spain had courted her, through his am- 
bassadors (she was already personally well ac- 
quainted with him), but, remembering how miser- 
able her sister had been as his wife, she con- 
sistently rejected his suit, saying that she '' did 
not think it was right before God for a woman to 
marry her brother-in-law/' The rejected Philip 
was none the less determined to secure paramount 
Spanish influence in England, and wrote to Feria 

proposing that the queen should be brought 
L2 147 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

to favour the Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, 
his very Catholic brother. EUzabeth had lately 
thrown over the Earl of Arundel, with whom she 
had been flirting, and had repulsed the Itahan, 
Guido Cavalcanti, Catherine of Medici's secret 
agent, in his vicarious wooing on behalf of a French 
prince, the Due d'Alengon. Therefore there was 
a fair chance that Elizabeth might at last have 
yielded to persuasion and favoured the archduke's 
suit. Had Philip played his game firmly at this 
juncture, most probably she would have fallen 
an easy victim to his intrigues and have married 
Ferdinand, whereby England would have lost, 
for some time at least, her independence. At the 
bottom of all the queen's hesitation and per- 
plexity about her marriage was less the interests 
of country than the violence of her headstrong 
passion for Robert Dudley, still the husband of 
that Amy Robsart who has been immortalized 
by Sir Walter Scott in Kenilworth. On April i8, 
1559, Feria wrote to Philip that he had heard 
dreadful news concerning the queen's , conduct 
with Dudley; it was all over the court, that they 
slept in contiguous rooms — that she never let him 
out of her sight. '' Indeed," the ambassador 
continues, *' I have heard such things of the 
queen's conduct with respect to the Lord Robert 

that I dare not repeat them. Meanwhile, a rumour 
148 



Queen Elizabeth and Her Succession 

is circulating to the effect that Robert Dudley's 
wife, who is in the country, is sick of a malady 
of the breasts and like to die/' On a close ex- 
amination of the documents connected with the 
singular death of Amy Robsart,^ who by the way 
was never Countess of Leicester, her husband 
not being elevated to that rank for some consider- 
able time after her demise, we find no mention 
whatever of this malady. The rumour was, there- 
fore, merely a feeler put forward to prepare 
public opinion for coming events. Elizabeth 
had made up her mind that, should the Lady 
Robert Dudley conveniently depart this life at 
an early date, she would marry the widower. 
All these and many other open and covert attacks 
on the queen's character were damaging her 
good name with the people, to such an extent, 
indeed, that it was actually proposed to dethrone 
her and to replace her by some more suitable suc- 
cessor. The English Catholics naturally favoured 
the Queen of Scots, but Katherine Grey was 
preferred by Spain. King Philip, as we have 

^ See for particulars of the life of Amy Robsart, Mr. George 
Adlard's interesting volume, Amye Robsart and the Earl of 
Leycester, John Russell Smith, London, 1870. Mr. Adlard 
had not access to the Simancas Papers, and was therefore 
not aware of the rumours rife in London at the time of the 
unfortunate lady's accident or murder. Amy Robsart did not, 
as Scott tells us, belong to a Devonshire family, but to a 
very ancient Norfolk house. 

149 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

said, all his life certainly regretted the loss of 
Spanish influence in English politics which came 
to an end on the death of Queen Mary, and he 
determined to regain it at any cost. That Lady 
Katherine Grey, on account of her supposed 
leaning towards Catholicism and her friendship 
for the Ferias, was regarded by the Spanish 
King as the most likely medium for realizing 
his hopes, was well known. 

As will be seen in the course of this biography, 
many and curious were the intrigues, of which 
Lady Katherine was the centre, for retrieving 
Spanish ascendancy in the British Isles; but by 
far the most astonishing and fantastic (and the 
earliest) was a plot — evolved in 1558 or early in 
1559 — for secretty abducting Katherine to Spain.^ 
There she was to be married to Don Carlos, the 
king's son, or to the Archduke Ferdinand, or 
some other Spanish prince, and put forward by 

1 The scheme is succinctly recounted in a letter from Sir 
Thomas Challoner, then English ambassador at Madrid, to 
Cecil, which will be found in the State Papers (Foreign Series) 
for the reign of Elizabeth. " King Philip II," he says, 
"is so jealous of the anticipated power of France, by the 
alliance of young Francis the Dauphin with the Queen of 
Scotland, and her claims to the Crown of England, that he 
positively contemplates stealing Lady Katherine Grey out 
of the realm, and marrying her to his son, Don Carlos, or 
some other member of his family, and setting up her title 
against that of Mary Stuart, as the true heiress of England. 
Lady Katherine will probably be glad to go, being most 
150 



Queen Elizabeth and Her Succession 

Philip as Elizabeth's immediate successor or even 
rival, her claims to the Throne being supported 
by all the might of Spain, in opposition to those 
of Mary Queen of Scots, the candidate favoured 
by France. Apparently Philip, misled by his 
ambassadors, who miscalculated the extent of 
Elizabeth's unpopularity, failed to realize how 
strong was the anti-Spanish feeling which ex- 
isted in England, and did not perceive the enor- 
mous difficulties which would have to be sur- 
mounted before Katherine could be placed on the 
Throne. Nor does he appear to have known that 
she had also, strange to say, been selected by the 
Evangelical, or Swiss, faction of the Protestants, 
as their special champion. The Spaniards thought 
Lady Katherine would not be unwilling to accept 
the proposal to leave England, since she was said 
to be very unhappy at home; Elizabeth, what- 
ever may have been her outward demonstrations 
of affection, at heart disliked her, and Katherine 
reciprocated this dislike, whilst it was thought 

uncomfortably situated in the English court with the queen, 
who cannot well abide the sight of her, and neither the 
duchess her mother nor her step-father love her, and her 
uncle cannot abide to hear of her, so that she lives, as it were, 
in great despair. She has spoken very arrogant and un- 
seemly words in the hearing of the queen and others standing 
by. Hence it is thought that she could be enticed away if 
some trusty person speak with her." 
151 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

that '* neither her mother ^ nor her step-father 
loved her, and her uncle (Lord John Grey) could 
not abide her/' There was probably less grounds 
for this latter statement; Katherine was not on 
bad terms with her mother, who, as we have seen, 
had done her best to further the marriage with 
Hertford; there is no evidence that she ever 
quarrelled with Mr. Stokes; and her uncle, Lord 
John Grey, is known to have treated her kindly 
when, some years later, she became a prisoner 
in his house, although there had indeed been cold- 
ness between them. 

The Countess of Feria was considered the most 
suitable person to approach Katherine with refer- 
ence to her leaving England; but meanwhile, 
whether, as subsequent events indicate. Queen 
Elizabeth knew of the plot and was determined 
secretly to frustrate it, or whatever else the cause, 
the bellicose Feria's existence at the English court 
was presently rendered so untenable, by reason 
of the queen's open hostility to him and above 
all, to the countess, that by May 1559 he could 
stand it no longer, and, inventing an excuse for 
relinquishing his mission, forthwith returned to 
Flanders; departing from London in such haste 
that he left Durham House, Strand, then the 

^ It will be remembered that these events took place late 
in 1558, or early in 1559, before Lady Frances's death. 
152 



Queen Elizabeth and Her Succession 

Spanish Embassy, in the hands of his wife, who 
seems to have had some sort of charge upon it.^ 
Thus, the plot for Katherine's abduction, of which, 
it may be, that princess was entirely ignorant, 
came to an abrupt conclusion, and was never, 
so far as we know, revived during the embassy 
of Feria's successor, although Philip continued, by 
less complicated means, to try to get Katherine 
into his power. Elizabeth, however, could not 
be brought to believe, as late as 1566, that the 
original scheme had been abandoned. As there 
is no mention of the matter in the Simancas 
Papers, and we only hear of it through the English 
ambassador at Madrid, it is probable that the 
plot fell through immediately upon the departure 
of Feria. 

Notwithstanding the open enmity of Queen 
Elizabeth towards her, the Countess de Feria 
remained at Durham House some months later 
than her husband, packing up her own effects 
and preparing the house for the new ambassador, 

1 Durham House, Strand, at one time the town residence 
of the Bishops of Durham, was ceded to the famous Duke 
of Northumberland; and Lady Jane Grey was married, and 
Lady Katherine betrothed, in the private chapel. It afterwards 
passed into the possession of the Archbishops of York, under 
Mary, and was finally leased by Elizabeth to the Spanish 
Embassy. The name of Durham Place and Durham Court, 
Strand, until lately marked the site of this at one time 
magnificent mansion. 

153 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

who was a Roman Catholic Bishop — to wit, the 
NeapoUtan, Don Alvaro de la Quadra, created 
Bishop of Venosa in 1542, and two years later 
translated to the bishopric of Aquila in the 
Kingdom of Naples, which see he resigned on his 
appointment to the court of England. He was 
a shrewd, clever man, and so broad-minded that 
he actually wrote, during the debate upon the 
Act for Conformity in Faith and Doctrine, the 
following remarks — which might be endorsed by 
a Liberal in our time : ''It was,'' he thought, 
'* natural that the Queen should wish to see 
uniformity of belief throughout her Kingdom; 
but/' he adds, ''I see that she no longer wishes 
to style herself Head of the Church, but simply 
Governor. It is, however, unjust, but still possible, 
to force a man to act as you will, but that he 
should be obliged to see things in the same light 
as his King is simply absurd. Yet they are so 
ignorant here they pass such a thing as this, for 
religion in this country is simply, believe me, 
a matter of policy." Indeed, religion in the 
sixteenth century was not only in England, but 
elsewhere, *' merely a matter of policy," a fact 
which may explain why Lady Katherine Grey, 
who was a good Cathohc under Mary, had be- 
come an equally good Protestant under Elizabeth. 
After the arrival of Quadra and the departure of 
154 



Queen Elizabeth and Her Succession 

the count, and finally, of the Countess of Feria, it 
is not probable that Katherine ever came again 
into immediate contact with the Spanish Embassy, 
although Quadra kept a close watch upon her 
movements and was well informed as to what 
was happening with respect to her connection 
with the succession. Quadra evidently thought 
that the people might yet favour Lady Katherine 
over Elizabeth, who in the first year of his 
embassy he believed to be more unpopular than 
she really was. He seemed disgusted at the 
queen's levity and indecision: ''It is ruining 
her popularity,'' he says; '' she is in danger of 
losing her Crown." One day she tells him she 
will never marry any one, and the next she 
asks him if he thinks there would be much 
opposition if she married one of her servants 
[meaning Dudley], as the duchesses of Somerset 
and Suffolk had done. Knowing well what she 
meant by this, and remembering that Dudley's 
wife was living, he made no direct answer — he 
could not give her any advice ; but it was evident 
that the only man she would ever marry was 
Robert Dudley. Until he was free, she would 
remain free. Presently a fresh rumour was started 
concerning Dudley's neglected wife, Amy Robsart, 
now residing, separated from her husband, 
at Cumnor Hall, near Oxford, a fair old man- 
155 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

sion, still in existence, which in those days was 
rented from the heirs of George Owen, physician to 
Henry VIII, by a certain Mr. Anthony Forster. 
In November 1559, Quadra wrote to the king 
that there is '' a rumour in London to the effect 
that Robert Dudley thinks of poisoning "his wife/' 
So at least he has been told by *' a person who is 
in the habit of giving him veracious news/' 
''Certainty," he adds, **all the queen has done 
with us, and will do with the rest in the matter of 
her marriage, is only keeping the Lord Robert's 
enemies and the country engaged with words, 
until this wicked deed of killing his wife is con- 
summated/' The matter had become so serious 
that Lady Sidney, Dudley's sister Mary, who had 
been in the habit of visiting Quadra, '' thought 
it best to abstain from doing so/' Sinister rumours 
were, therefore, circulating as early as November 
1559, concerning the relations between the queen 
and Robert Dudley, and his intention of getting 
rid of his wife, by foul means, if necessary. 

On Sunday, the 8th September of the following 
year (1560), Lady Dudley (Amy Robsart) fell 
down a back staircase at Cumnor Hall, and was 
found dead at the bottom. The following day, 
a messenger was sent to Dudley, who was in 
attendance on the queen at Windsor, informing 
him that his wife had been killed by falling 
156 




ROBERT DUDLEY, EARL OF LEICESTER 
{F7'0>n Natio7ial Portrait Galleiy) 



Queen Elizabeth and Her Succession 

downstairs, whilst all the servants were absent 
from the house at Abingdon Fair. Dudley, who 
manifested neither surprise nor much concern, 
stated that he did not believe his wife's death 
had been the result of accident, but was an act 
of premeditated violence, and added that he feared 
he would be implicated in the matter. He imme- 
diately sent the news of the Lady Dudley's death 
to her relations, and invited them to be present 
at the coroner's inquest, which was held at Cumnor 
a few days later. Early in September, Quadra, 
in a letter to the Duchess of Parma, informed 
her that it was rumoured in London that the 
Lord Robert was '' thinking of killing his wife, 
although she was quite well (and would take good 
care they did not poison her)." '' The next day," 
which would be about the 9th of September, the 
queen returning from hunting, meeting him, said 
that my Lord Robert's wife was dead, or nearly 
so, and asked him not to say anything about 
it. '' Certainly," he continues, *' this business 
is most shameful and scandalous." Cecil also, 
earlier in the year, had told him that he thought 
and believed that Robert Dudley was planning 
the murder of his wife. Elizabeth must have 
been informed of the unfortunate Amy's death 
almost as soon as Dudley himself, for in the 
same letter, dated September 11, Quadra adds a 
157 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

postscript : '* Since writing the above the queen 
has pubhshed the news of the death of Robert's 
wife, and has said to me, in Itahan, ' She broke 
her neck. She must have fallen downstairs/ " 

It is difficult, after reading the above extracts 
from the Spanish Papers, not to feel fairly certain 
that, notwithstanding Robert Dudley's persistent 
declarations of innocence, he was guilty; and that 
Amy Robsart was foully murdered by his orders, 
and with Elizabeth's knowledge and consent. If this 
be the case, the '' Wizard of the North," Sir Walter 
Scott, was, in the main, right, and his explanation 
of the mystery of Cumnor Hall fairly correct. 
It was generally believed in London that Dudley 
had pre-arranged the murder of his wife, with the 
intention of marrying the queen as soon as pos- 
sible.^ Cecil evidently believed this version of 
the story, and, greatly disgusted thereat, turned 
his attention in the direction of Lady Katherine. 
The supporters of the Earl of Huntingdon, the 
representative of the house of Pole, availing 
themselves of the queen's unpopularity,, now 
began agitating in his favour, and Quadra in- 
formed the King of Spain that he had just heard 

1 It was even rumoured about the court that the marriage 
had actually taken place in secret. Quadra, writing to the 
King of Spain under date November 20, 1560, says : " They 
say [Robert Dudley] was married to the queen in the presence 
of his brother and two ladies of the chamber." 

158 



Queen Elizabeth| and Her Succession 

that '' they are forming an important plan for 
the maintenance of their heresies, namely, to 
make the Earl of Huntingdon king, in case the 
queen should die without issue/' He added 
that Cecil had told him that the succession 
belonged of right to the earl, because he was 
descended from the House of York. Huntingdon, 
however, was not really a very formidable 
claimant, for although married, he had no children. 
Quadra's letter is dated the 15th of October, and 
contains, moreover, the following curious reference 
to Lady Katherine : '' They fear here that if the 
Queen were to die. Your Majesty [the King of 
Spain] would get the Kingdom into your family 
by means of the Lady Katherine. Cecil has 
sounded me on the subject, saying it would be 
well if a marriage should take place between her 
and one of Your Majesty's relations .... [Here 
there is a piece torn out of the letter] .... 
She [Lady Katherine] should succeed by virtue 
of the will of King Henry. He [Quadra] asked 
Cecil if he thought the Queen would declare her 
[Lady Katherine] heiress to the Crown; where- 
upon Cecil answered, ' Certainly not, because as 
the saying is, the English run after the heir to 
the Crown more than after the present wearer 
of it.' " In all probability, the relative alluded 
to was the Archduke Ferdinand; or may be, the 
159 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Infante Don Carlos, whose health, however, was 
very precarious, so that he, on the other hand, 
may have been at this time already out of the 
running. Certainly the Archduke was considered 
by Quadra as a suitable candidate for Lady Kathe- 
rine's hand, and it was hoped that if such a marriage 
could be arranged. Lady Katherine might eventu- 
ally ascend the Throne, with Ferdinand as her 
consort, and England would thus be brought again 
under Spanish influence, if not actually annexed to 
that country. With such high interests at stake, 
therefore. Quadra had already been for some 
time extremely anxious to marry the Archduke 
either to Elizabeth or, faihng her, to Lady Kathe- 
rine; and hence he wrote to the Spanish king, in 
November 1559, in the following terms : *' This 
hatred of the Lord Robert will continue, as the 
Duke [of Norfolk] and the rest of them cannot 
put up with his being King. I am of opinion 
that if the Archduke [Ferdinand] comes and 
makes the acquaintance and obtains the goodwill 
of these people, even if this marriage — of which 
I have now no hope except by force — should fall 
through, and any disaster were to befall the 
Queen, such as may be feared from her bad 
government, the Archduke might be summoned 
to marry Lady Katherine, to whom the Kingdom 
falls if this woman dies. If the Archduke sees 
her [Katherine] he should so bear himself that 
160 



Queen Elizabeth and Her Succession 

she should understand this design, which in my 

opinion may be beneficial and even necessary/' 

Unfortunately for this scheme, the Archduke 

never saw Lady Katherine, and the proposed 

match fell through. Elizabeth found out this 

intrigue, and resented it, and it was one of the 

many reasons for her hatred of Katherine, who, 

however, was probably totally unaware of the 

numerous plots which were rife concerning 

her position as Elizabeth's heiress; but Hertford, 

never very courageous, was growing alarmed. 

He knew that the queen, who at one time had 

called Lady Katherine her '' daughter,'' now 

expressed her contempt for her, and also kept 

her as far removed from her person as possible, 

'' frowning upon her whenever they passed 

each other." He therefore despaired of ever 

obtaining Elizabeth's consent to their marriage ; 

and was, moreover, reminded by Cecil (who 

one day questioned him very sharply about the 

matter of his courtship) of the existence of a 

law passed by Henry VHI's Privy Council and 

ratified by Parliament, at the time the Lady 

Margaret Douglas, the king's niece, married her 

first husband. Lord Thomas Howard, without 

the royal consent, to wit, inflicting the severest 

punishment — imprisonment for life and a fine so 

enormous as to absorb an earl's income — upon 

any man who should marry a kinswoman of the 
M i6i 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

crown without the king's leave. The details 
of this interview, between the earl and *' Mr. 
Sekrettory/' came out during the subsequent 
examination of Hertford touching the marriage. 
Cecil, who was probably actuated much more by 
political motives than by any personal desire to 
save Hertford from the fate which awaited him 
if he married Lady Katherine, came upon the 
young man one day, and asked him point- 
blank, whether there was not *' good- will " be- 
tween him and the lady in question. *' There 
is no such thing,'' was Hertford's prompt but 
untruthful reply. When on his trial, the earl, 
tormented by scruples, stated publicly that '' he 
desired it to be noted that there was no truth 
in his reply to Mr. Secretary Cecil." A little 
later on— but, it seems, after the marriage had 
actually taken place — Cecil tried to find out from 
Katherine herself how matters stood. Always 
haunted by the idea that one day she might suc- 
ceed Elizabeth as queen, he was anxious to try 
to prevent a marriage which, he wisely foresaw, 
would but injure her cause yet further in the 
queen's eyes. Cecil, a cunning diplomat, com- 
menced by questioning Katherine over some 
extraneous matter concerning her property, but 
eventually insinuated a few words, warning her 

'' of her too great familiarity with the Earl of 
162 



Queen Elizabeth and Her Succession 

Hertford''; and consideratety added, that he 
" would not make the Queen's Majesty privy 
thereto." Katherine, later on, said that the warn- 
ing, if it had been given before the marriage, 
might have been heeded. What reply she made 
at the time is not on record. Prompted by 
Cecil, the Marquis of Northampton and the 
*' Fair Geraldine " also approached the princess 
on the subject, advising her '' to beware of the 
company and familiarity of the said earl," of 
whom, one fancies, none of these worthy inter- 
ferers had a very high opinion. Their advice, 
however, if indeed it did not really come too 
late, was disregarded. 

Love, like Justice, is reputed blind; and between 
All Hallows and Christmas, 1560, a year after the 
death of the Lady Frances, Hertford solemnly 
pledged his troth to Katherine and presented her 
with a plain gold ring, which opened with a secret 
spring in several linked compartments, on each 
of which he had engraved different Latin distichs 
of his own composition. They ran as follows : — 

As circles five, by art compressed, show but one 

ring to sight, 
So trust uniteth faithful minds, with knot of secret 

might. 
Whose force to break (but greedy Death) no wight 

possesseth power. 
As time and sequels well shall prove. My ring can 

say no more. 
M 2 163 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

And so, in the presence of Lady Jane Seymour 
only, and in that lady's chamber in Westminster 
Palace, the two lovers were formally betrothed, 
with, however, '* no ceremonies,'' as he after- 
wards admitted, beyond kissing and embracing 
each other and joining their hands together, 
before his sister, the Lady Jane Seymour. A 
little later in December, whilst the Lady Jane 
Seymour was in her private sitting-room, a large 
apartment which no one was allowed to enter 
without her leave, she received '' a letter " from her 
brother, saying he was very ill, " love-sick," and 
must see the Lady Katherine at once : would she 
receive him in her chamber, as he wished to open his 
heart to her ? Whereupon the Lady Jane sent one 
of the little maids to him, saying that he was to 
follow her. Half-an-hour later, the two lovers 
were reunited by Lady Jane's fireside. Poor 
Lady Katherine, apparently ignorant of the prob- 
able results of her foolish act, after embracing 
her lover many times, said : '' Weighing your long 
suit and great good-will towards me, I am well 
content, be the consequences what they may, 
to marry you the next time the Queen's Highness 
shall go abroad and leave the Lady Jane alone 
with me." 



164 



CHAPTER V 

THE CLANDESTINE MARRIAGE 

Some five or six days after the betrothal of Lady 
Katherine to the Earl of Hertford, Queen EHzabeth 
elected to go with her train to Greenwich on a 
hunting expedition; and, summoning her ladies and 
maids, ordered them to make immediate prepara- 
tions to follow her. Lady Katherine excused 
herself on the plea that she was sore afflicted with 
toothache, and as an evidence of the fact, exhibited 
her swollen face, tied up in a kerchief : whilst Lady 
Jane Seymour declared that she could '* not go 
a-hunting, for she was sick with a bad headache/' 
The unsuspecting queen accepted these excuses 
and left the girls to their own devices. Scarcely 
had Her Majesty and her train left Westminster 
Palace, than the young ladies stole out and 
repaired to the Earl of Hertford's house in Cannon 
Row, Westminster. His Lordship had previously 
despatched all his servants on various errands; 
some he sent into the city, others to the country, 
but his confidential valet was told to wait for him 
at a goldsmith's shop in Fleet Street. Powell, 
the cook, however, afterwards deposed before 

165 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

the council that he had seen the Lady Katherine 
and the Lady Jane steal out of the water-gate 
stairs, and enter the earFs chamber, to reach 
which they had to pass the kitchen door. In the 
earFs bedroom was a priest, who performed 
the marriage service, Lady Jane Seymour being 
the only witness. The earl gave his bride a wed- 
ding ring, apparently the one already mentioned. 
Hertford afterwards asserted that the clergyman 
was brought to the house by Lady Jane, and de- 
scribed him as a fair-complexioned man of middle 
stature, with an auburn beard; he had no surplice, 
but wore a garb resembling that of the foreign 
-Reformers who returned to England after Queen 
Mary's death — a long furred black cloth gown, 
with a turn-down collar of white linen. Neither 
the earl nor Katherine seem to have known this 
reverend worthy's name; but Lady Jane paid him 
a fee of ten pounds, out of the pocket money which 
her brother gave her for her clothes — he himself 
seems to have been short of cash at the time. A 
sort of informal wedding repast had been prepared 
in the earl's chamber, but the Lady Katherine, 
we learn, was too much unnerved to eat or drink. 
About two hours after the brief ceremony was over, 
the earl escorted the young ladies down the stairs 
and '' kissed Lady Katherine good-bye." The 

tide had risen during the interval, and the maids 
i66 



The Clandestine Marriage 

of honour were obliged to take boat back to the 
palace, the pathway by which they had come 
being under water. They must have reached 
Westminster very early — the wedding took place 
in the morning ^ — for they dined at noon as usual 
at the table of the comptroller of the household. 
Nobody seems to have noticed their absence, nor, 
except the cook, to have paid attention to their 
movements, and for a time the queen remained in 
ignorance of the event. But Katherine had the 
temerity, at least so Hertford afterwards alleged, 
to wear the coif known as a '' froze-paste," under 
her hood : it may be remarked here that her sister. 
Lady Jane Grey, had worn a similar coif — not 
unlike a nun's — at her execution. This close- 
fitting cap, which entirely concealed the hair, was 
worn by all married women, even if young, and is 
said to have been one of the reasons why Eliza- 
beth refused to marry. She wished her subjects 
always to enjoy the privilege of admiring her 
magnificent hair. Under the circumstances. Lady 
Katherine would have been wiser to have disre- 
garded this traditional custom.^ 

The course of true love did not flow smoothly 
for long, for on March 20, 1561, the learned, 

1 Hertford mentioned at his trial that he " got up at six 
o'clock " on this occasion. 

^ This fashion evidently came from Germany, *' froze " 
being an anglicized version of " frau's." 

. 167 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

though youthful, Lady Jane Seymour died sud- 
denly in her apartment at Westminster Palace. 
Elizabeth, who was much attached to her, and 
unaware of her share in Lady Katherine's affairs, 
ordered a state funeral of great splendour, and 
six days after her death, Lady Jane was buried in 
St. Edmund's Chapel, Westminster Abbey, where 
her monument is still to be seen, with an inscription 
to the effect that it was erected by *' her dear 
brother,'' the Earl of Hertford. All the queen's 
ladies attended the funeral, among them being the 
Ladies Katherine and Mary Grey. Machyn gives 
a quaint account of what he calls the funeral of 
'' my lade Jane Semer, the wyche was one of the 
Quen's mayds and in grett favor." Her death 
must have deeply grieved Lady Katherine, who 
was not only very fond of Lady Jane, but had 
found in her a sympathetic confidante. 

Throughout the year 1561, the young couple 
exchanged regular, though secret, visits either at 
Westminster Palace or at Cannon Row. Lady 
Katherine, in her examination, said that,' from 
the time of the marriage onwards to the death of 
Lady Jane Seymour, '' considering herself as the 
earl's wife, in her own heart, she was often in his 
company at sundry times by means of Lady Jane 
Seymour and a woman, her own maid, Mrs. Leigh, 

who was now gone from her. This woman never 
168 



The Clandestine Marriage 

was bade to do it, but she would, of herself, if she 
saw my Lord and her [Katherine] whisper together, 
go out of the way/' Indeed, the discretion of 
Hertford and his wife was so great that no one 
appears to have realized the truth for a con- 
siderable time after the clandestine wedding had 
taken place, although, as already observed, Cecil 
and some of Katherine's friends certainly sus- 
pected that a love intrigue was afoot. 

About April 1561, the queen — possibly on the 
advice of Cecil, who, suspecting something un- 
toward, wanted him out of the way — ordered 
Hertford to accompany Mr. Thomas Cecil, son 
of the above-named statesman, into France, 
where the young gentlemen were to take up 
certain legal studies. The Duchess of Somerset, 
evidently in total ignorance of what had occurred, 
addressed a letter to Cecil, on April 19, 1561, 
in which she says she is content to submit to her 
son's going abroad; but adds : '* I would wish him 
matched at home in some noble house to the 
Queen's liking." Whether there had been some 
disagreement between the mother and son it is 
now impossible to say, but the Duchess goes on 
to express her sorrow for '' hys wylfulness," and 
somewhat spitefully begs Cecil '' not to spare him, 
but to overrule him." Hertford was apparently 

not at all distressed by this sudden separation from 
169 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

his bride, from whom he seems to have taken leave 
at Greenwich, where the court was then staying. 
A few months later, the studious Mr. Cecil 
writes complaining that his '' studies and medita- 
tions " are considerably disturbed and interrupted 
by '' the gaieties and jaunts " organized by his 
youthful monitor, the earl. 

Whilst her husband was thus gaily disporting 
himself in the French capital. Lady Katherine 
was left alone, to realize that soon she would no 
longer be able to conceal her condition. So great 
was her terror when she became certain of this, 
that she mislaid the deed of jointure assigning her 
£1000, which her husband had made in her favour 
before he left England; and in her terror, the 
forlorn little woman, on receiving orders to attend 
the queen during Her Majesty's progress through 
Suffolk, rushed, one Sunday afternoon late in July 
or in August, to her old friend Mistress Saintlow, 
and confessed, with bitter tears, that in a few weeks 
she was sure to become a mother; *' but,'' added 
she, '' I am an honest woman and am married to 
Lord Hertford." The recipient of this astonishing 
information, instead of offering consolation, burst 
into an hysterical rage, and violently upbraided 
the wretched Katherine for selecting her as the 
confidante of her folly. How the poor girl spent 

the rest of that day we know not, but she must 
170 



The Clandestine Marriage 

have worked herself into a perfect frenzy, for 
towards midnight she suddenly appeared, in her 
night-gown, at the bedside of her all-powerful 
brother-in-law. Lord Robert Dudley, who was 
fast asleep. His unexpected visitor's lamentations 
soon roused him, and, to his amazement, he beheld 
her kneeling by his bed, shaking with sobs, and '' in 
a most awesome state of mind.'' With streaming 
eyes she confessed everything, and besought him 
to induce the queen to be merciful to her. She 
reminded him that he was the brother of young 
Guildford Dudley, the husband of her unhappy 
sister, Lady Jane, and entreated him, in the name 
of this slaughtered brother, whom he had fondly 
loved, to go to the queen and obtain her pardon. 
The nocturnal visit placed Lord Robert in a very 
difficult position, for if the dispatches of La Motte, 
Fenelon and Quadra are reliable, Elizabeth inva- 
riably slept, as already said, in a chamber adja- 
cent to his, and moreover communicating with 
it. Dudley was frightened out of his wits, lest 
the " Lioness of England " should suddenly rush 
in, to pounce upon the weeping Katherine in her 
night-gear. We are not told how he managed 
to rid himself of the distracted suppliant, but 
we do know that on the following morning he 
told Elizabeth the whole story, whereupon that 

royal virago burst into a whirlwind of rage, the 
171 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

immediate result of which was that the Lady Kathe- 
rine was sent to the Tower that afternoon, and 
lodged in the part of it known as the Belfry. Cecil 
communicated Lady Katherine Grey's situation to 
Archbishop Parker, in a letter dated August 12, 
1561, in the following terms : '' She is com- 
mitted to the Tower, and he sent for [to come] 
home. She says she is married.'' He doubted, 
or pretended to doubt, that a marriage had really 
taken place. Cecil, who was essentially self-seek- 
ing, had, in the days of Elizabeth's greatest un- 
popularity, espoused her rival's cause, and now, 
according to Quadra, he was anxious, at any cost, to 
avoid being implicated in unpleasant consequences. 
''What I understand by it all, is," remarks the 
Spanish ambassador, " that Lady Katherine's 
marriage . . . [was] arranged a year ago, after the 
death of Robert's wife, and that Cecil (who was 
then in great disgrace with the Queen and at 
enmity with Robert) was at the bottom of it, in 
the fear that, in accord with common belief, the 
Queen would marry Robert and restore religion 
to obtain Your Majesty's favour. Since Cecil has 
returned to the good graces of the Queen, and has 
satisfied himself that there will be no change of 
religion, he has gradually and cautiously separated 
himself from these negotiations, and is now en- 
deavouring to hush up and amend the past." 
172 



The Clandestine Marriage 

Nevertheless, Cecil did not entirely abandon 
Lady Katherine. The news of the marriage must, 
however, have come as rather a blow to Philip 
of Spain, since it scattered his own schemes for 
Katherine's bestowal; whilst the inevitable im- 
prisonment which followed, put her effectually 
out of his reach. From this time forth, Spanish 
interest in Katherine was considerably diminished. 
Immediately after the queen was made aware of 
the marriage, the news was conveyed to Hertford's 
mother, the old Duchess of Somerset, who forth- 
with, on August 22, wrote a monstrous letter 
to Cecil, casting all the blame of the affair on 
poor Katherine, and beseeching him to believe 
that she [the duchess] had no hand in the matter, 
declaring that *' neither for child nor friend " 
would she willingly neglect the duty of a faithful 
subject. Hence she begs '' good Master Secretary " 
to '' stand her friend, that the wildness of mine 
unruly child do not minish [sic] Her Majesty's 
favour towards me." ^ But Her Majesty's anger 

^ The full text of this letter, which will be found in the 
State Papers for the reign of Elizabeth, is as follows : — 

" Good Master Secretary, 

" Hearing a great bruit that my Lady Katherine 
Grey is in the Tower, and also that she should say she 
is married already to my son, I could not choose but trouble 
you with my cares and sorrows thereof. And although I 
might, upon my son's earnest and often protesting to me 
^7Z 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

knew no bounds, and even poor Lady Saintlow 
was committed to the Tower, for the fell crime of 
having been Katherine's involuntary confidante ! 
A letter in Her Majesty's own hand commanded 
Sir Edward Warner, Lieutenant of the Tower, to 
'' examine the Lady Katherine, very straitly, how 
many hath been privy to the love between her and 
the Earl of Hertford from the beginning; and let 
her understand that she shall have no manner of 
favour except she will show the truth — not only 

the contrary, desire you to be an humble suitor on my behalf, 
that her tales might not be credited before my son did answer, 
yet, instead thereof, my first and chief suit is that the Queen's 
Majesty will think and judge of me in this matter, accord- 
ing to my desert and meaning. And if my son have so much 
forgotten Her Highness calling him to honour, and so much 
overshot his bounden duty, and so far abused Her Majesty's 
benignity, yet never was his mother privy or consenting 
thereunto. I will not fill my letter with how much I have 
schooled and persuaded him to the contrary, nor yet will I 
desire that youth and fear may help, excuse, or lessen his 
fault; but only that Her Highness will have that opinion of 
me as of one that, neither for child nor friend, shall wiUingly 
neglect the duty of a faithful subject. And to conserve my 
credit with Her Majesty, good Master Secretary, stand now 
my friend, that the wildness of mine unruly child do not 
minish Her Majesty's favour towards me. And thus so 
perplexed with this discomfortable rumour I end, not 
knowing how to proceed nor what to do therein. There- 
fore, good Master Secretary, let me understand some comfort 
of my grief from the Queen's Majesty, and some counsel 
from yourself, and so do leave you to God. 

" Your assured friend to my power, 

" Ann Somerset." 
174 



The Clandestine Marriage 

what ladies and gentlewomen were thereto privy, 
but also what lords and gentlewomen of this 
court; for it doth now appear that sundry per- 
sonages have dealt therein. When that shall 
appear more manifestly it shall increase our 
indignation against her, if she now forbears to 
utter it/' Apparently the queen, aware of 
the existence of the Spanish plot, hoped that, if 
one or other of the *' sundry personages " was 
intimidated, they would reveal the whole truth. 
Very likely, too, she had a shrewd idea that 
Cecil was involved. Katherine was, however, 
obstinate — nothing would make her confess; so 
that on August 22, Warner informed the queen 
by letter that he had questioned Lady Katherine 
as to '' the love practices between her and the 
earl " and that *' she will confess nothing.'' 

Soon afterwards, Sir Edward received orders 
to furnish the Lady Katherine's apartment with 
some of the cast-off splendour which lingered 
in the forsaken state apartments of the Tower. 
This furniture had very likely been used by the 
Lady Jane during the *' nine-days' reign," or 
even by Elizabeth herself when a prisoner ; 
and though described as '' much worn, torn, and 
defaced " — so little value is set on historical 
objects in the days to which they belong — 
would doubtless now fetch its weight in gold at 
175 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Christie's. The unkindly office of critic of these 
reHcs of vanished grandeur assigned for the Lady 
Katherine's use, was later on discharged by Sir 
Edward Warner, whose scathing comments on 
the '' owld '' stools and cushions are, as we shall 
see, most quaint and amusing. It may have been 
as well that the furniture of the Lady Katherine's 
prison-dwelling was not in its primal magnificence, 
for before she had been two days in the Tower, 
her very extensive collection of parrots, monkeys,^ 
and lap-dogs followed her from Westminster — 
and a nice smell and a pretty mess they must have 
made ! However, the creatures were company of 
a kind, and no doubt heartily welcome to the 
captive. 

Meanwhile the miserable bridegroom, recalled — 
apparently without warning of the fate which 
awaited him — from Paris, had arrived at Dover, 
and was promptly lodged in *' Her Majesty's 
house " — i. e. the castle. Whilst he was at break- 
fast with a certain Mr. Thomas Sackville and a 
Mr. Strange, Mr. Crispe, the *' captain "of the 

^ Parrots and monkeys were apparently favourite domestic 
pets at the end of the sixteenth century — the Duchess of 
Northumberland (the widow of John Dudley), for instance, 
left her grey parrot to the Duchess of Alva; in itself a slight 
" sign of the times," indicating how ideas of travel were 
gradually spreading. The animals were probably brought 
from the north of Africa, Algeria, Morocco, etc. 
176 



The Clandestine Marriage 

castle, entered, and showed Hertford his com- 
mission for the latter 's arrest. This read, the 
'' captain " formally arrested the young earl, who 
was deprived of his servants and of the society of 
his friends, taken up to London, and immediately 
lodged in the Tower (September 5). On the 
following day he was ordered to appear before 
the Marquis of Winchester, the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, Grindal Bishop of London, Sir 
William Petre, and a host of divines and seculars, 
and ordered to answer their questions regarding 
what they were pleased to call '' his infamous 
proceedings with the Lady Katherine Grey/' 
Hertford behaved like a gentleman, and all the 
brow-beating and hectoring of his inquisitors 
failed to intimidate him. He swore he had been 
lawfully married, by a priest fetched by his sister, 
and described him in the terms already quoted. 
Search was forthwith made for this priest, whom 
people rightly imagined to be a Roman Catholic, 
but it was not until forty-six years later, in the 
reign of James I, that he was discovered, and the 
validity of the marriage proved. The report that 
he was a Catholic priest was then found to be 
correct; and the fact tends to prove that Lady 
Katherine was still a Catholic, with whom marriage 
is a Sacrament. The officiating clergyman being 
undiscoverable. Lady Jane Seymour, the principal 
witness of the wedding, lately dead, and the only 

N 177 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

tangible proofs of the ceremony the bridegroom's 
own word and the wedding-ring, the legitimacy of 
the expected infant might easily have been then 
and there invalidated. But this course was not 
followed. It was deemed bad policy '' to charge 
a princess of the blood with harlotry." 

The Lady Katherine was next examined. She 
shed floods of tears throughout the whole pro- 
ceeding; and confirmed everything her husband 
had said. Exhibiting the curious five-pieced ring 
already mentioned, she added that before Lady 
Jane Seymour's death she had told her she feared 
she was enceinte, and that she (Lady Jane) and Hert- 
ford had suggested an appeal to the queen's mercy. 
She stated that some days before he left for France, 
she told her husband she thought she was 
about to become a mother, and that he replied, if 
this was indeed the case, he would return shortly 
to her. She admitted she had written to him 
during his absence, but had not received any 
answer to her letters; though, to her distress, he 
had sent various '' tokens " to other ladies about 
the queen — which indicates a certain lack, on the 
earl's part, of enthusiasm for his young bride, 
quite in accordance, however, with the festive 
existence he had been leading in Paris. She also 
mentioned the loss of the deed of settlement. She 
had written her husband a letter about this matter, 
to inform him of her condition, and had entrusted 

178 



The Clandestine Marriage 

it to a man named Glynne, lately a servant in the 
employ of Lady Jane Seymour, and now appar- 
ently used as a spy by the queen. In this letter 
she advised her husband to return at once, and 
confess the whole affair. It only reached him 
one month before his official recall. Glynne 
lyingly pretended to the earl that his business 
in Paris was to find a relative of his who had 
*' stolen his master's money." He had remained 
a considerable time in Paris, knd when asked by 
the earl why he did so, gave an evasive answer. 
Hertford admitted the receipt of the letter brought 
by Glynne ; and said he had sent his wife several 
letters from France, incidentally giving us a 
curious insight into the postal arrangements of 
the period. He despatched one note from Rouen 
by '' the common letter-hag which went by packet." 
From this it may be inferred that even in those 
days, some sort of regular postal service existed 
between this country and the Continent. Whether 
this service was hopelessly inefficient, or whether 
Hertford was not telling the truth when he said 
he had written Lady Katherine several letters, we 
are not able to affirm, but she swore, as we have 
said, that she never received a single line, although 
admitting that Lord Henry Seymour, Hertford's 
brother, when she was at Havering in Essex, gave 
her a pair of bracelets from the earl. Hertford 
deposed that he entrusted one of his epistles to 
N2 179 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Monsieur '' Jehan Renate, a merchant who Hved 
on the bridge at Paris," to whom he gave par- 
ticular instructions '' to dehver his letter into the 
very hands of Lady Katherine''; M. Renate, 
however, seems to have been unable to fulfil his 
mission, for she never even received this note. 
Lord Henry Seymour was also called, and deposed 
that he had carried presents from his brother to 
Katherine, even before the former went abroad ; 
but though he thought some of these were rings, 
he denied handing Lady Katherine any letters 
from Hertford, either before or during his brother's 
trip to the Continent. '* Some of the earl's 
_ letters,'' he went on to say, '* came by the common 
post, and some by Frannces the Post." He also 
swore he knew nothing of the marriage, though it 
would appear from the above that he was aware 
of the existence of the missing correspondence. 
Elizabeth could possibly have thrown considerable 
light on the subject and even have produced the 
letters, had it suited her purpose so to do — for 
without doubt they were in her possession.- 



1 80 



CHAPTER VI 

LADY KATHERINE AND HER HUSBAND IN 
THE TOWER 

Before the inquiry, which dragged on for some 
weeks, had come to a close, Lady Katherine, on 
September 21, 1561, was dehvered in the Tower 
of a male child, whose birth Machyn records in a 
dehghtfully complicated phrase : '' The xxj day 
of September was browth [brought] to bed of a 
sune my lade Katheryn Gray, the dowther of the 
Duke that was heded on the Towre hylle, and ys 
brodur Lord Thomas Gray the sam tyme." Five 
days later the boy was baptized in the church of 
St. Peter ad Vincula within the Tower, his father 
declaring he was indeed his son and heir, and 
giving him the name of Edward. The witnesses 
of this christening must have stood on the flag- 
stones covering the remains of no less than six 
of this infant's immediate forbears, all of whom 
had lately perished by the axe.^ According to 

^ These were : Edward Seymour, Duke of Somerset and Lord 
Protector, the infant's grandfather, beheaded in 1552; Henry, 
Duke of Suffolk, his maternal grandfather (1554) ; Lady Jane 
Grey, his aunt (1554); Lord Seymour of Sudeley, his grand- 
father's brother (1549); the Duke of Northumberland, his 
great-uncle (1553); and finally. Lord Thomas Grey, another 
great-uncle (i554)- 

181 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Henry VIIFs will, the unconscious babe, thus 
baptized above the remains of his slaughtered 
relatives, was the legitimate heir to the English 
Throne ; and, as such, in after years, added 
yet another complication to the tangle of the 
succession. 

Meanwhile, the young mother^s health broke 
down, and for some months she had to keep her 
bed, in her room in the Belfry or Bell Tower. In 
spite of her suffering condition, Elizabeth's relent- 
less persecution continued. She put spies about the 
Tower, who informed her of any attempt at com- 
munication between the two young prisoners : 
and the '* Virgin Queen " was violently excited 
on learning that the earl had been inquiring 
after his wife's health, through a third person 
(a Tower official), and that he had on one occasion 
actually sent her a " posy." According to Lady 
Katherine's statement (for she was interrogated 
even about this simple incident), being '' a close 
prisoner in the Tower," she never saw the person 
who brought her messages and '' posies " from the 
earl. 

In May 1562, Sir Edward Warner received orders 
to conduct the two prisoners before the Archbishop 
of Canterbury at Lambeth, to be further examined 
as to what Elizabeth was pleased to describe in 
the warrant as *' the infamose conversation and 
pretended marriage betwixt the Lady Katherine 



Lady Katherine in the Tower 

Grey and the Earl of Hertford/' Despite the 
ecclesiastical nature of this court, it would seem 
that the prisoners were not taken to Lambeth, 
but that whatever trial ever took place occurred 
in the Tower. On May 12, 1562, the commission, 
composed, it may be, of the officers who had ex- 
amined Hertford on his first entering the Tower, 
passed sentence, at the Bishop of London's palace 
near to St. Paul's Cathedral, to the effect that 
'' there had been no marriage between the Earl 
of Hertford and the Lady Katherine Grey." It 
is probable that neither Hertford nor Lady Kathe- 
rine was present during this adjudication. 

Five months later, in October 1562, Lady 
Katherine, still confined in the Belfry of the 
Tower, came nearer being placed on the Throne 
than at any time in her life. On the loth of that 
month. Queen Elizabeth went with her train to 
Hampton Court, and there fell seriously ill. 
After several days of high fever, and a fit of syn- 
cope lasting two hours, during which her life was 
despaired of. Her Majesty was found to be suffer- 
ing from small-pox, aggravated by a bad chill. 
Quadra's dispatches, written at this time, show 
how precarious was her condition. '' Last night," 
he writes, in a letter dated the 17th October, '' the 
palace people were all mourning for her as if she 
were already dead. . . . She was all but gone." 
Naturally, the chief effect of the queen's sudden 
183 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

illness was to raise the hopes of the various pre- 
tenders to her succession and of those who, from 
interest or conviction, supported them. There was 
such diversity of opinion, however, even amongst 
the members of the privy council,^ as to who was 
the rightful or most suitable future sovereign, that 
it is not improbable, that had the queen died at this 
juncture, England, between the ambitions of one 
party and of another, would have been plunged 
into a civil war, since some of the pretenders 
seem to have been prepared to assert their rights 
by an appeal to arms; '* Lord Robert [Dudley],'' 
says the Spanish Ambassador, '' has a large armed 
force under his control, and will probably pro- 
nounce for his brother-in-law, the Earl of Hunting- 
don/' Lady Katherine Grey's partisans did not 
miss this opportunity to agitate in her favour ; 
and in the event of the queen's death, a determined 
attempt would undoubtedly have been made to 
seat her on the Throne of her oppressor. The 

1 " Out of the fifteen or sixteen of them (i.e. members of 
the council) that there are, there were nearly as many dif- 
ferent opinions about the succession to the Crown. It would 
be impossible to please them all, but I am sure in the end 
they would form two or three parties and that the Catholic 
party would have on its side the majority of the country, 
although I do not know whether the Catholics themselves 
would be able to agree, as some would like the Queen of Scots 
and others Lady Margaret [Lennox]." — Quadra to the 
Duchess of Parma, October 25, 1562; see Calendar of Spanish 
State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i. 
184 



Lady Katherine in the Tower 

news of Elizabeth's precarious condition produced 
a profound feeling of anxiety in the political 
world both at home and abroad ; and Quadra 
writes to King Philip, that '' if her improvement 
had not come soon, some hidden thoughts would 
have become manifest. The council discussed 
the succession twice, and I am told there were 
three different opinions. Some wished King 
Henry's will to be followed and Lady Katherine 
declared heiress. Others, who found flaws in the 
will, were in favour of the Earl of Huntingdon. 
Lord Robert, the Earl of Bedford, the Earl of 
Pembroke, and the Duke of Norfolk . . . were in 
favour of this.'' ^ A few members of the council 
wished the others not to be in such '' a furious 
hurry," and advised them to wait until the claims 
of the various pretenders had been examined 
by ''the greatest jurists in the country"; a 
suggestion regarded, however, as simply an ex- 
pedient, to give the King of Spain time to place 
a Catholic Sovereign on the English Throne. 
Fortunately for England, Elizabeth made a rapid 
recovery. To the consternation of the council her 
first act, after the prolonged syncope into which she 
had fallen, was to ask the said council to appoint 
the Lord Robert Dudley protector of the realm 
during her convalescence, at an income of £20,000. 
'' Everything she asked was promised," Quadra 
1 Quadra to the King of Spain, October 25, 1562. 

185 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

adds, '' but will not be fulfilled/' And he proved 
a true prophet ! 

In November 1562 the question of the succes- 
sion was again discussed, at a meeting attended 
b}^ the Duke of Norfolk and others, which was 
held in the Earl of Arundel's house. The ob- 
ject of this gathering seems to have been to 
endorse Lady Katherine's pretensions, now greatly 
favoured by Norfolk, who in the course of the 
preceding month, had developed a shadowy notion 
that, at some future tune, one of his daughters (as 
yet mere infants) '' might marry the Countess of 
Hertford's lately born son." The council discussed 
these grave matters all one evening and till two 
o'clock the next morning, when they parted, 
unanimously in favour of Lady Katherine's right 
to the Throne after the queen's death. When 
Ehzabeth heard of the affair, she actually 
'' wept for rage," and summoning Arundel, up- 
braided him in no measured terms for allowing 
such a meeting to take place under his roof. The 
earl, in an off-hand manner, told the queen that 
'' if she wanted to govern the country by passion, 
he could assure her the nobles w^ould not allow 
her to do so"; whereupon Her Majesty, abashed, 
hastily changed the subject. 

During the winter of 1562-63, the partisans of 

Lady Katherine seem to have directed their 

attention to Hertford, and at one time, led by 
186 



Lady Katherine in the Tower 

Cecil, seriously proposed setting him up as a 
claimant to the Throne/ faute de mieux. Needless 
to say, the earl, except for his position as Lady 
Katherine's husband, had no more to do with the 
succession than any other nobleman. Cecil, how- 
ever, was still anxious to aid Lady Katherine and 
her husband, and had it depended on him, doubt- 
less they would have been forthwith set at 
liberty. He was hostile to Lord Robert Dudley, 
and moreover jealous of his influence; and being 
out of favour with the queen in consequence, 
was quite prepared to aid her rival. Not im- 
probably, the queen's persistent refusal to be 
merciful to her captives, was to some extent 
caused by a desire to annoy and embarrass her 
chief secretary. Elizabeth's health being still 
unsatisfactory, early in 1563, the question of 
the succession was again brought before Par- 
liament, and Cecil, as a solution to the difficulty, 
proposed that a committee should be formed of 
twenty-four members of the privy council, who, 
in the event of the queen's death, would conduct 
the affairs of the nation for the first three weeks 
after the sovereign's demise, until a successor 
had been approved of by them. The gentlemen 
nominated for this high office, however, one 
and all begged to be excused, pleading that 
they felt safer on their country estates than 
^ Spanish State Papers, vol. i. p. 311. 

187 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

if they were all gathered together in London : 

though, at the same time, they refused to appoint 

others to take their places on this commission. 

The fact is, it was well known that Cecil had 

determined to try to include amongst these 

councillors as many of the male claimants to the 

Throne or their chief supporters as he conveniently 

could; his real object being, it was suspected, to 

attempt, when the queen died, a coup d'dat 

similar to that which followed on the death of 

Edward VI. Hertford and Lady Katherine would, 

it was feared, be released ; and, supported by the 

Londoners — '' the City being so much in favour 

of the Earl of Hertford on the ground of religion,'' 

according to Quadra — the Lady Katherine would 

be crowned queen, as her sister Jane had been.^ 

Meanwhile, as many of the other claimants and 

their partisans as could be laid hands on, especially 

such of them as the wily Cecil had got together 

in London on the pretext of the above-mentioned 

committee, would be thrust into prison, and, 

possibly, executed. The opposition being too 

strong, the scheme was forthwith dropped, and 

the vexed question of the succession was again 

left in abeyance for a few months. 

Whilst her name was thus being bandied about 

by various political factions, Lady Katherine 

remained a peaceful and probably fairly contented 

1 Spanish State Papers, vol. i. p. 321. 
188 



Lady Katherine in the Tower 

prisoner in the Tower. The old Itahan proverb, 
that neither walls nor waters can separate lovers, 
once more proved true, when, on February lo, 
1563, notwithstanding Elizabeth's vigilance, and 
the strict orders issued to Sir Edward Warner, the 
Lady Katherine became the mother of a second 
boy, who was baptized in St. Peter's in the Tower, 
two warders acting as godfathers. He received 
the name of Thomas, after his great-uncle, the 
lord high admiral. Elizabeth when she heard of 
this second child's birth, raged less like Medea 
than one of her dragons, and vented her spleen 
on the young earl, who was haled before Star 
Chamber to justify himself of the further 
'* offence " of having visited his wife in prison. 
Hertford, attacked in the coarsest terms, 
rephed hke a man, that '' being lawfully married 
to the Lady Katherine Grey, who hath borne 
me a fair son during the time of our imprison- 
ment in the Tower, and finding her prison door 
unbarred, I came in to comfort her in her sadness, 
of which I cannot repent." The lieutenant, 
Warner, who was likewise examined, gave a dif- 
ferent account of the meeting, since he admitted 
without hesitation that he had allowed the earl 
and countess '' to visit one another once on being 
over persuaded, and afterwards thought it was of 
no use keeping them apart." Nevertheless, the 
earl was heavily fined — 15,000 marks in all; 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

5000 for *' seducing a virgin of the blood royal " ] 
5000 for breaking prison — i. e. when he left his 
own apartments to visit Lady Katherine; and 
5000 for the birth of the second child, described by 
the Chamber as '' a bastard/' The earl not having 
sufficient money to pay this sum off-hand, his 
estates were, as usual in such cases, confiscated 
instead. 

Star Chamber was certainly influenced, in 
passing this sentence, by one of its most servile 
members. Sir John Mason,^ with whom Hertford 
was eventually condemned to live for a time. On 
January 28, 1562 (a year before the date of the 
-birth of the second child), this worthy, in a letter 
to Secretary Cecil, declares : — 

'' There be abroad in the city, and in sundry 
other places in the realm, broad speeches of the 
case of the Lady Katherine and the Earl of 
Hertford. Some of ignorance make such talks 
thereof as liketh them, not letting to say [mean- 
ing, * not scrupling to say '] they be man and wife. 
And why should man and wife be lett [* hindered '] 
from coming together ? These speeches and 
others are very common. And, to tell my foolish 
judgment thereof, methinketh it will be no ill 
way to call him [Hertford] to the Star Chamber, 

1 Sir John Mason, who had been at one time EngUsh Am- 
bassador to the court of the Emperor Charles V, was one of 
EUzabeth's privy councillors. 

190 



Lady Katherine in the Tower 

and there, after a good declaration of the 
queen's proceedings for the trial of the truth 
of the supposed marriage, and what was found 
adjudged, then to charge him with his presump- 
tuous, contemptuous, and outrageous behaviour 
in using the said Lady Katherine as he hath done, 
before the sentence and since. And in the end 
to set upon his head a fine of XM [10,000] marks : 
if they be made pounds it is little enough. There 
is not a more oultreayed youth — I speak French 
for lack of apt English [perhaps the curious word 
' oultreayed ' was Mason's version of the ' French ' 
adjective outre] — neither one that better liketh 
himself, nor that promiseth himself greater things. 
He should be made to learn himself [i. e. * disci- 
pline himself '] to see his own faults. His imprison- 
ment fatteneth him, and he hath rather thereby 
commodity than hindrance [meaning, * He rather 
enjoys his imprisonment than otherwise']. If a 
good part of his living [' income '] might answer 
some part of his offence, and the imprisonment 
therewithal continue, it would make him to know 
what it is to have so arrogantly and contemp- 
tuously offended his prince [i. e. the queen], and 
would make him hereafter to know his duty to the 
state and to Almighty God. I beseech you pardon 
my rude scribbling and my boldness showed in the 
same, and to weigh my good meaning in this 

matter, and nothing else. And thus Almighty 
191 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

God have you in His Most blessed keeping, and 
assist you alway with His present grace/' 

Star Chamber therefore not only treated Hertford 
in a manner that must have been most pleasing 
to the spiteful Sir John Mason, but even exceeded 
his suggestion in the matter of the fine. Maybe 
Mason had had some quarrel or words with the 
earl, that led him to write so bitterly; although 
even his mother, the duchess, can have had no 
very high opinion of him, since she speaks of his 
'' wylfulness/' Ehzabeth now ordered Sir Edward 
Warner, Lieutenant of the Tower, to be arrested 
_ and forthwith confined in that fortress over which 
he had lately ruled supreme. He had indeed been 
imprisoned there once before, for alleged complicity 
in the Wyatt rebellion, and had only been re- 
instated as lieutenant at Ehzabeth's accession. 
Through the influence of Cecil, his close friend, 
Warner contrived to regain his freedom, after 
his second imprisonment, in 1563 ; but he lost his 
post, this time for good, and retired into the 
country. 

Meanwhile the House of Commons had been 
holding lengthy debates about the troubles of the 
two young victims of Elizabeth's persecution, and 
many of the Puritan, or extreme Low Church, 
party, who favoured Katherine's right to the 

Throne, were very much inclined to believe in the 
192 



Ladv Katherine in the Tower 

validity of the marriage, and consequently, in 
the legitimacy of the two children. In the 
meantime, Elizabeth released Lad}^ Margaret 
Lennox, whom she had confined in the Tower 
on an obscure charge — a liberation on which the 
Reformers looked askance, for though Margaret 
stood nearer the Throne than Katherine, being 
a daughter of Henry VIIFs eldest sister, Mar- 
garet Queen of Scots, she, as a Roman Catholic, 
was regarded by the Protestants as a danger 
to their cause. Her husband, the Earl of 
Lennox, had also been imprisoned some months 
earlier, but was set free about November 
1562. Quadra, in mentioning this fact, states 
that it took place '' by the favour of the 
Earl of Pembroke and Lord Robert [Dudley], 
who are much against Lady Katherine." He 
also confirms what we have said above. '' I 
think," he adds, " that the liberation of Lennox 
has two objects : first, to hinder Lady Katherine 
by providing a competitor; and secondly, to 
give a little satisfaction to the Catholics, who 
are desperate at Lady Margaret's misery, and 
place all their hopes in the Queen of Scots 
and the husband she may choose. By giving 
them some hope that the succession may fall 
to Lady Margaret and her son, they may cool 
somewhat towards the Queen of Scots. All this 

is convenient for the queen, who wants to have 
o 193 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

the power to declare her own successor when 
she hkes/' ^ 

In the summer of 1563, the plague broke out in 
London with such violence, and made so many 
victims within the precincts of the Tower, that 
Lady Katherine, greatly alarmed, begged Cecil to 
intercede with the queen for her removal from the 
infected fortress. Elizabeth at once consented, 
signing (August 21, 1563) an order ^ expressing 

1 Quadra to the King of Spain, November 30, 1562. 
Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i. 

2 This order only exists in the State Papers as a draft in 
Cecil's handwriting. The full text of it is as follows : — 

" Rt. Trusty and Well-beloved, We greet you well. Whereas 
we be informed that the (plague) [the words in brackets are 
crossed out] places near that our Tower are much, visited with 
the plague, and yourself not without great fear that the same 
may enter into our said Tower, we (have thought meet upon 
earnest suit made unto us to license) are contented the lady 
Catharyne and y^ Earl of Hertford for y^ time of this danger 
of the plague shall be placed in some other several and con- 
venient places out of y^ Tower. Wherefore (we will that 
you shall let either of them know of this our contentation 
that the lady Catharyn shall be removed to And for the places 
of their abode) we will that the lady Catharyne shall be 
removed to y^ house of Ld. John Grey in Essex, there 
to remain (within his house) with him and his wife during 
our pleasure; and y^ Earl of Hertford to be removed to his 
mother's house in Middlesex, there also to remain during 
our pleasure; and for their behaviour our pleasure is that 
ye shall command them in our name under pain of our indig- 
nation and such fine as we shall please to assess, that neither 
of them shall depart from y^ said places without our leave, 
(neither attempt to have any converse together) otherwise 
than to take y^ air near to y^ same and not without the 
company of his mother or Newdegate. (Endorsed) 21 Aug. 
194 



Lady Katherine in the Tower 

her ''contentation'' that the Lady '' Catharyne *' 
should be sent to her uncle, Lord John Grey,^ at 
his seat at Pirgo, near Havering-atte-Bower and 
Hainault Forest in Essex. This nobleman, be it 
said, was not very friendly to his niece. Still — 
*'any port in the storm"; and it was certainly 
better to go to Pirgo with an unpleasant relation, 
than to stay in London with a chance of dying of 
the plague. With the Lady Katherine went her 
baby son and a goodly number of nurses and at- 
tendants. Hertford, as the warrant shows, was 
also removed from the Tower, and sent, with the 
eldest child, Edward, to Hanworth, to the house 
of the old Duchess of Somerset, his mother. 
Shortly after her husband's execution, this hand- 
some — but haughty and ill-tempered dame — had 
married, as already stated. Sergeant Newdigate,- 

1563. From the Queen's Majesty to the Lieutenant of the 
Tower for the removal of the Lady Katherine and the Earl 
of Hertford." 

1 Lord John Grey, the Duke of Suffolk's brother, had 
himself been imprisoned in the Tower for eight months in 
1554, for his alleged share in Suffolk's rebellion in favour of 
Lady Jane Grey. His was a courtesy title, and he was some- 
times called " Sir " John. Pirgo was granted to him by the 
queen on April 24, 1559, but he evidently found some diffi- 
culty in keeping it up, for shortly afterwards he wrote to 
Cecil begging him " to acquaint the queen with his embarrassed 
circumstances, as they aEect her former grant." 

2 It is a curious fact that the grandmother of Jane Dormer, 
Duchess of Feria, whom we have had occasion to mention in 
these pages, was of the family of **Nudigate," her brother 
being that Sebastian Newdigate, a monk of the Charter- 

02 195 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

who was now entrusted with the duty of conducting 
Lady Katherine to Pirgo. He led the caravan 
which escorted her and her baby, with their 
attendants and baggage, from the Tower ; and on 
their arrival at Pirgo, which was before the end 
of August, made himself very disagreeable both to 
Lady Katherine and to Lord John. 

Meanwhile, a little comedy occurred with respect 
to the tattered furniture in the Tower of London. 
Sir Edward Warner, after his dismissal from the 
lieutenancy, had retired to Plumstead, near 
Norwich, where he had a country house. As soon 
as he heard Katherine had been transferred from 
the Tower to Pirgo, he wrote to Cecil, demanding 
compensation for furniture and hangings which 
he had lent to the imprisoned lady, when under 
his care. ** Sir,'' he writes, *' my Lady Katherine 
is, as ye know, delivered [from the Tower], and the 
stuff that she had — I would it were seen. It was 
delivered to her by the queen's commandment, 
and she hath worn, now two years full, most of it 
so torn and tattered with her monks [i. e. monkeys] 
and dogs as will serve to small purpose. . . . 
Besides," he continues, ** my Lady Katherine 

house, London, who was executed under Henry VIII for 
denying the royal supremacy. The Duchess of Somerset's 
husband, Sergeant Francis Newdigate, was of this same 
family. These Newdigates had a fine house in Charterhouse 
Square, which they occasionaUy let, furnished, for the season 
to Lord Latimer, Katherine Parr's third husband. 
196 



Lady Katherine in the Tower 

had one other chamber, furnished with stuff of 
mine, the which is all marred also/' He goes on 
to suggest that it would not be unreasonable, 
considering its dilapidated condition, if he were 
granted the furniture allotted to Lady Katherine 
out of the royal Wardrobe, as well as his own. 
'' It was,'' he says, '' delivered by the queen's 
pleasure. ... If I have it not, some of it is fitter 
to be given away than to be stored into the Ward- 
robe again, and that I justify with my hand. If 
he [the Lord Chamberlain] like not that I have the 
bed of down, I shall be content to forbear it. I 
send you here enclosed the bill of parcels/ with some 

^ This list runs as follows, the disparaging comments, here 
printed in brackets, being those written by Warner himself : — 

" Stuff delivered in August, 1561, by the Queen's com- 
mandments and the Lord Chamberlain's warrants, by Wil- 
liam Bentley, out of the Wardrobe in the Tower, to Sir 
Edward Warner, Knight, then levetenant of the Tower, for 
the necessary furniture of Lady Katherine Grey's chamber. 

'* First : six pieces of tapestry to hang her chamber. (' Very 
old and coarse.') Item : a spavier (?) for a bed of change- 
able damask. (' All to-broken and not worth tenpence.') 
One silk quilt of red striped with gold. (' Stark naught.') 
Two carpets of Turkey matting. (' The wool is all worn.') 
Item : one chair of cloth of gold with crimson velvet, with 
two pommels of copper gilt, and the Queen's arms in the 
back. (' Nothing worth.') Item : one cushion of purple 
velvet. (* An owld cast thing.') Item : two footstools 
covered with green velvet. (' Owld stools for King Henry's 
feet.') One bed, one bolster, and a counterpane, for her 
women. (' A mean bed.')" 

It is not improbable that the chair of cloth of gold, of 
which Warner speaks so scathingly, was the " Throne " used 
by Katharine's sister. Lady Jane, during her nine-days' reign. 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

notes in the margent truly written/' He concludes 
his appeal — from " my poor house at Plumsted " 
—by rather ambiguously wishing Cecil *' prosperous 
felicit}^ with increase of godliness/' Whether Sir 
Edward Warner ever got his coveted goods and 
chattels or not we are unable to ascertalin. Neither 
are we informed whether Katherine conveyed her 
** monks/' her dogs, and her other pets to Pirgo; 
it is probable enough that she did, for one of her 
pet dogs was with her when she died a few years 
later. 

The journey to Pirgo, notwithstanding that it 
was performed in one of Elizabeth's own travelling 
coaches — a ponderous vehicle, that required four 
Flemish cart-horses to drag it along the ill-kept 
roads — must have been very fatiguing for a woman 
in Lady Katherine's delicate condition. Pirgo, 
too, though a fine old mansion, dating far back into 
Edward Ill's time, and surrounded by a moat, 
did not present many of the *' modern improve- 
ments," even of those days : it is described as 
*' very draughty, damp, and cold." The Lord 
John had lately made some alterations, but they 
do not seem to have been very important: The 
gardens of Pirgo — and this may have been some 
consolation to the prisoner — were exceedingly 
fine; and the park was one of the grandest in 
Essex. 



198 



CHAPTER VII 

LADY KATHERINE AT PIRGO 

The prisoner's life at Pirgo seems to have been 
tolerably peaceful and comfortable. Although 
her uncle continued to treat her coldly, never- 
theless, before the end of August (1563), the 
month in which she reached his house, Lord John 
Grey wrote to thank Cecil for obtaining '' this 
indulgence from the queen for his niece." She 
herself also addressed a similar letter to Cecil 
dated the *' thred " of September;^ but very 

^ The text of this letter is as follows : — 

** Good cousin Cecil, after my very hearty commendations 
to my good cousin, your wife and you, with like thanks for 
your great friendship showed me in this my lord's deliverance 
and mine, with the obtaining of the Queen's Majesty's most 
gracious favour thus farforth extended towards us, I cannot 
but acknowledge myself bounden and beholding unto you 
therefor. And as I am sure you doubt not of mine own dear 
lord's good-will for the requital thereof to the uttermost of 
his power, so I beseech you, good cousin Cecill, make the like 
account of me during Ufe to the uttermost of my power; 
beseeching your farther friendship for the obtaining of the 
Queen's Majesty's most gracious pardon and favour towards 
me, which^ with upstretched hands and downbent knees, 
199 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

soon after, she seems to have been overcome by 
an attack of profound melancholy, and even the 
kindness of her aunt — this lady was a daughter 
of Sir Anthony Browne, and therefore a step- 
daughter of Katherine's friend, the '' Fair 
Geraldine " — failed to cheer her drooping 
spirits. 

" I assure you, good cowsigne [cousin] Cecil,'' 
writes my Lord John to '' Mister Chief Secretary," 
on September 20, 1563, ''as I have written unto my 
Lord Robert — i. e. Dudley — the thought and care 
she [Katherine] taketh for the want of Her High- 
nesses favour pines her away; before God I speak it, 
if it come not the sooner she will not long live 
thus; she eateth not above six morsels in the meal. 
If I say unto her, ' Good Madam, eat somewhat 

from the bottom of my heart most humbly I crave. Thus 
resting in prayer for the Queen's Majesty's long reign over 
us, the forgiveness of mine offence, the short [speedy] enjoy- 
ing of [the company of] my own dear lord and husband, with 
assured hope through God's grace and your good help and 
my Lord Robert [Dudley] for the enjoying of the Queen's 
Highness' s favour in that behalf, I bid you, my own good 
cousin, most heartily farewell. From Pyrgo the thred of 
September. 

" Your assured friend and cousin to my small power, 
" Katheryne Hartford." 

" To my very loving cousin Sir William Cicyll, Knight, 
Chief Secretary to the Queen's Majesty, give these."- — 
[** Mine own dear lord," of whom she makes mention, is, 
of course, her husband, Hertford.] 
200 



Lady Katherine at Pirgo 

to comfort yourself/ she falls a-weeping andgoeth 
up to her chamber; if I ask her what the cause is 
she useth herself in that sort, she answers me : 
' Alas ! Uncle, what a life this is to me, thus to 
live in the Queen's displeasure; but for my lord 
and my children, I would to God I were buried.' 
Good cousin Cecil, as time, places, and occasion 
may serve, ease her of this woful grief and sorrow, 
and rid me of this life which, I assure you, grieveth 
me at the heart's roots." 

It is much more likely that Lady Katherine's 
distress was due to her enforced separation from 
her husband and her eldest child, than to the 
fact that she had lost the queen's favour; though, 
indeed, the consequences rendered Elizabeth's 
friendships invaluable and her enmities equally 
dangerous. Nearly two months elapsed without 
bringing any answer to the above-quoted letter; 
and then Lady Katherine, very likely on her 
uncle's advice, addressed a formal petition to the 
queen, which Lord John enclosed in another letter 
to Cecil, begging him to have it presented to Her 
Majesty on some appropriate occasion, and sign- 
ing himself — 

*' Your loving cousin and assured friend to my 
smaule powder, 

'' John Grey." 

This petition, like most of the letters to and 

20I 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 



from both Lord John and Lady Katherine at this 
period, will be found among the Lansdowne MSS. 
It runs as follows : — 

" I dare not presume, Most Gracious Sovereign, 
to crave pardon for my disobedient and rash 
matching of myself without Your Highness's 
consent; I only most humbly sue unto Your 
Highness to continue your merciful nature towards 
me. I [ac]knowledge myself a most unworthy 
creature to feel so much of your gracious favour 
as I have done. My just[ly] felt misery and con- 
tinual grief doth teach me daily more and more 
the greatness of my fault, and your princely pity 
increaseth my sorrow that [I] have so forgotten my 
duty towards Your Majesty. This is my great 
torment of mind. May it therefore please Your 
Excellent Majesty to licence me to be a most 
lowly suitor unto Your Highness to extend to- 
wards my miserable state Your Majesty's further 
favour and accustomed mercy, which upon my 
knees in all humble wise I crave, with my daily 
prayers to God to long continue and preserve 
Your Majesty's reign over us. From Pirgo the 
vi of November 1563. Your Majesty's most 
humble, bounden, and obedient servant." 

Either Cecil dared not present the petition to 
Her Majesty — Lord John, in enclosing it, asks 
202 



Lady Katherine at Pirgo 



him to deliver it to Lord Robert Dudley — or else 
the queen was more hardened than ever; for this 
appeal also remained unanswered. A little later, 
Lady Katherine, according to a letter from Lord 
John to Cecil, dated December 12, '* has been in bed 
for three or four days,'' and so ill that he thought 
of sending for one of the queen's doctors. She 
was weeping all the time, and '* assuredly, she 
never went to bed all this time of her sickness, 
but they that watched with her much doubted 
how to find her in the morning. She is so 
fraughted with phlegm, by reason of thought, 
weeping and sitting still, that many hours she 
is like to be overcome therewith." '' Indeed," he 
continues, ''if it were not that the women attend- 
ing her were ' painful ' [he means painstaking] he 
could not sleep in quiet " for worrying about 
her condition. He therefore begs Cecil to make 
a fresh appeal on her behalf. The following day, 
Katherine herself addressed a letter to Cecil, 
beseeching the great man to intercede for her; 
wishing to God she were buried rather than con- 
tinue to languish in her sorrow and misery, and 
moreover intimating that she had also written to 
Lord Robert Dudley, who had been created Earl 
of Leicester on the previous 29th of September.^ 

1 The letter to Cecil is worded as follows : — 
** What the long want of the Queen's Majesty's accustomed 
203 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Apparently no answer from any one was ever 
vouchsafed to these appeals. 

During the winter of 1563-64, Newdigate, Hert- 
ford's step-father — who must have been a most 
odious personality — began to interfere in the 
affairs of Lady Katherine and her husband. He 
spoke of Lord John Grey to Lady Clinton in the 
most insolent terms — '' with no small bragging 
words " — and seems to have tried to persuade 
Hertford that Lord John was his worst enemy. 
He said that Lady Katherine ought not to be 
sending letters to the queen or council without 
his (Hertford's) knowledge. Lord John Grey con- 
sequently wrote to Cecil on January 20, 1564, 

favour towards me hath bred in this miserable and wasted 
body of mine, God only knoweth, as I daily more and more, 
to the torment and wasting thereof, do otherwise feel than 
well able to express; which if it should any long time thus 
continue, I rather wish of God shortly to be buried in the 
faith and fear of Him, than in this continual agony to live. 
As I have written unto my Lord Robert, so, good cousin 
Ceycell, do I unto you. I must confess I never felt what 
the want of my Prince's favour was before now, which by 
your good means and the rest of my very good lords, once 
obtained, I shall not require of any of you, if it fall, through 
my default, to be means for the restitution thereof, so mind- 
ful, God wilUng, shall I be, not to offend Her Highness. 
Thus desiring the continuance of your friendship, I most 
heartily bid you farewell, good cousin Cecil, praying you to 
make my hearty commendations to my cousin your wife. 
From Pirgo, the xiii of December. 

" Your poor cousin and assured friend to my small power, 
" Katheryne Hartford." 
204 



Lady Katherine at Pirgo 



describing the language Newdigate had used 
about him to the Lady Qinton, and also pointing 
out that Lady Katherine was very badly off for 
furniture and house linen, etc., as she had scarcely 
anything but what he had lent her,^ concluding 
with a mysterious statement that '' of the cat 
there is no more to be had but the skin, which 
hitherto I have thought well bestowed." In a 
postscript he begs that Lady Katherine may be 
allowed some wine, if possible out of the royal 
stores, and encloses an inventory of her effects.^ 

1 This part of the letter (which is in the Lansdowne MSS. 
No. 7, fol. no) is as follows : — 

" But because you shall truly know what charges my lord 
[Hertford] is at, and hath been at, \vith my lady [Katherine], 
since her coming hither, I have herein enclosed true inven- 
tory, besides my lady's whole furniture of her and hers, with 
hangings, bedding, sheets, drapery and plate, for neither she 
nor her little boy hath one piece of plate to drink, eat, or 
keep anything, but of me ; which, though it cannot be much, 
yet is as much as I have. ... I learn from Hanworth that 
he [Hertford] hath been very plain with Newdigate, since 
which Lady Katherine hath received twenty pounds, and 
been promised to have beds and sheets sent to her, howbeit 
they have not yet come; she had nothing to send any friend 
at New Year's tide, which induced Lady Clinton to give Lady 
Grey a pair of silk hose, to present to Lady Knowles in Lady 
Katherine's name, as if from her." Lord John goes on to say 
that he thinks Newdigate ought to have told Cecil how un- 
provided she was when she first arrived at Pirgo : "for the 
inventory of all she had when he left her here I could send 
to you, but I am ashamed, for that it was so bare." 

2 The inventory includes the following items : — 

" Two coats for Mr. Thomas [Katherine's baby, then about 
205 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

A document among the Domestic State Papers 
of the reign of EUzabeth (vol. xxxiii. fol. lo) 
shows us what response was made to Lord John's 
appeal. This is a receipt signed by the steward 
of Pirgo ^ for money paid him for the lady's 
maintenance, and dated January 23, 1564. The 

eleven months], whereof the one is russet damask, the other 
of crimson velvet. Of white cloth to make him petticoats, 
two yards. Of red cloth to make him like petticoats, two 
yards. Velvet caps for him, two. A russet taffeta hat for 
him, laid on with silver cord. . . . Two pairs of fine sheets 
for my Lady Katherine, of two breadths. Black velvet to 
make a gown for my Lady Katherine, bound with sables, ten 
yards. Russet velvet to make a gown and a kirtle. Black 
and russet lace to the gown and kirtle. Damask to make a 
nightgown for my Lady. Crimson satin to make a petticoat. 
A petticoat of crimson velvet. A velvet hood for my Lady. 
Two pairs of black silk hose. Black cloth to make a cloak. 
Two yards of cambric to make ruffs, plattes, coverchiefs 
and handkerchiefs, six ells. Linen to make smocks, ten 
ells. Silver dishes and saucers for her use. The charge of 
weekly rate for her board, 46s. 8d.; for her child, 13s. 4d.; 
for his nurse, 6s. 8d.; her three ladies, each 6s. 8d.; for her 
two men-servants, 5s. each; the same for her laundress and 
the widow that washeth the child's clothes." 

^ The receipt in question runs as follows : — > 

" January 24, 1564. Received by me, John Woode, 
steward to the Right Honourable my L(ord) John Graie, 
at the hands of George Ireland, for fourteen weeks' diet 
unto my Lady of Hartford and her train, after six pounds 
sixteen shillings and eight pence the week, in full payment 
of all her Ladyship's said diet unto this day, the sum of four 
score fifteen pounds thirteen shillings four pence on, besides 
57li 4s. gd. which I received of Mr. Edward Stanhope in full 
satisfaction of her Ladyship's diet until the 17th of October 
last. In witness whereof I have here under subscribed my 
206 



Lady Katherine at Pirgo 

feeding of Lady Katherine and her attendants 
cost £6 i6s. 8d. a week. When we consider that 
her retinue only consisted of a nurse, two women 
(Mrs. Woodeforde and Mrs. Isham), two laun- 
dresses, a groom, a footman, a page, and a lacquey, 
besides Mr. William Hampton, who was a sort of 
secretary, and compare the purchasing value of 
money in those days with what it is in ours, it 
becomes evident that My Lord of Pirgo was 
making what we should consider a very good 

name this 23rd of January 1563 (n.s. 1564) et Anno Regni 
Regine E. sext. 

li s d 

95 13 4 
by me John Woode 
s. d. 

My Lady 66 8 

Her son 13 4 li 

William Hampton ...50 

Her nurse 6 8 

Mrs. Woodeforde ... 6 8 

Mrs. Isham 6 8 

My Lady's groom ...50 
Nowell her man ...50 
My Lady's two launders . 10 o 

Page 6 8 s d 

Lackey 50 56 8 li s d 

6 16 8 

" Reed, of Mr. George Ireland the 23rd of January 1563 
(1564) which I stand to account for at our next reckoning, 
4li IIS. 8d. by me John Woode. 

"(Endorsed) Copies of my Lady's diet at Pirgo last paid 
for 14 weeks. 23 Jan. 1563 (1564)." 
207 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

thing out of his niece's maintenance. Be this 
as it may, in May 1564 Hertford received a 
communication from Lord Robert Dudley (who 
does not seem to have made use, at this time, of 
his title of Earl of Leicester) and Cecil, asking 
him to send some one with a sum of money to 
pay my Lord of Pirgo's charge for the mainte- 
nance of his wife and infant. The amount was 
stated to be £114, which had to be paid at once, 
*' because the said Lady Graye (as she complain- 
eth) cannot longer endure from payment.'' It 
will be remembered that in January of the same 
year the steward of Pirgo had acknowledged full 
payment of all moneys due to Lord Grey up to 
date; it is somewhat strange, therefore, that four 
months later, £114 should have been demanded 
for her Ladyship's expenses, and it is not un- 
reasonable to believe that Dudley and Cecil, 
when they named so large a sum, intended to help 
themselves liberally out of it. Whether Lord 
John or the other two worthies ever got this money 
or not, remains uncertain to this day. 

Somewhere about Christmas 1563, the Duchess 
of Somerset had gone to court, and had been 
received in very friendly fashion by Robert Dudley. 
For once in her life, Anne Stanhope seems to have 
showed some feeling, and to have done her best 

for her unfortunate son and his persecuted wife. 
208 



Lady Katherine at Pirgo 



But so far as we can judge, she set to work the 
wrong way, as was her custom, insisting where 
she should have pleaded, and so made matters 
worse. On March i8, 1564, Hertford addressed 
a personal appeal to Leicester on behalf of him- 
self and his wife, thanking him at the same 
time for his kindness to the Duchess.^ Leicester 
replied, within a few days, that he had done every- 
thing that '' speech and humble art '' could do, 
but saw no sign of any more favourable feeling 
towards the captives on the queen's part : 

1 The text of this letter is as follows : — 

" I find myself not a little bound unto your Lordship for 
the friendly welcoming and honourable using of my Lady 
my mother since her now being at the Court, as also your 
well-tried and goodly noble furthering her long and trouble- 
some suit for us, to our most gracious Queen. Wherein, as 
always, so now, I still crave your especial and most humble 
means of desire to Her Majesty, that we may be unburdened 
of Her Highness's intolerable displeasure, the great weight 
whereof hath sufficiently taught us never again to offend so 
merciful a Princess. And so I beseech you, my good Lord, 
now on our behalf, who pray not for earthly things so much 
as the comfort of her too long wasted favour. My trust is 
God will bless your Lordship's travails with the fruit there- 
of, and by your means, wherein, next Him,- we only depend, 
turn the sorrowful mourning of us. Her Majesty's poor cap- 
tives, into a countershine comfort, for which I rest in con- 
tinual prayer. And so I take my leave, beseeching Almighty 
God long to preserve her, and make me so happy as to enjoy 
the company of so dear a lord and friend as I have, and do 
find of your Lordship. 

" From Hanworth, the xviii of March, 1563."— State 
Papers, vol. xxxiii. fol. 27. 

P 209 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

although " he had moved the Queen's Majesty 
in his [Hertford's] behalf '' it was all in vain. 
Then — with an hypocrisy worthy of Uriah Heep, 
considering he was universally suspected of 
having murdered his wife, Amy Robsart, and 
was jeered at as the queen's paramour — he 
unctuously adds, *' Love God and fear Him, and 
pray earnestly to Him, for it must be your chief 
work that He may further your help to obtain 
the favour and comfort you seek." A week 
later, Hertford writes him another letter, enclosing 
a present of gloves for the queen, which he be- 
seeches him to present to Her Majesty. Leicester, 
in answer to Hertford's request that he should 
tell him if there was anything wrong with them, 
replied, two days later, that he had given the 
gloves to the queen, and that there was no fault, 
except that they were too thin, a defect he had 
taken care to point out to '' Thurgans," the 
servant who brought the gloves from Hanworth. 
He adds that it would be well if the next pair 
''you make a little stronger"; evidently the 
earl employed his leisure in manufacturing gloves, 
of which these were a specimen pair.^ But neither 
Cecil, nor Leicester, nor the Duchess of Somerset — 
who continued to intercede for her son and her 
daughter-in-law — ^nor the gloves, sufficed to mollify 
^ State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xxx. fol. yy. 

2IO 



Lady Katharine at Pirgo 

the inflexible Elizabeth, who manifested no in- 
clination whatever to grant the unfortunate 
prisoners what Hertford had termed '' the counter- 
shine comfort " of their freedom. 

At this time Lord John Grey, too, joined the 
chorus of appeals, addressing a letter ^ to Cecil 
on March 6 (1564), in which he mentions that 
he has not written for three months — probably 
his last letter was the one sent together with the 
inventory of Lady Katherine's effects — points 
out that they are now in the season of Lent, 
'' which of all others hath been counted a time of 
mercy and forgiveness," and again begs the 
queen's pardon for his charge and her husband. 
'* In faith,'' says he, ''I would I were the Queen's 
confessor this Lent, that I might enjoin her in 
penance to forgive and forget, or otherwise able 
to step into the pulpit to tell Her Highness that 
God will not forgive her, unless she freely forgive 
all the world/' 

1 Lansdowne MSS. No. 7, article 55. 



211 



CHAPTER VIII 

LADY KATHERINE AGAIN THE CENTRE OF 
INTRIGUES 

In the year 1564, John Hales, Clerk of the 
Hanaper, secretly published a pamphlet or book, 
'' wherein/' says Cecil, '' he hath taken upon 
him to discuss no small matter, viz., the title 
[right] to the Crown after the Queen's Majesty, 
having confuted and rejected the line of the 
Scottish Queen, and made the line of the Lady 
Frances, mother to Lady Katherine Grey, the 
only next and lawful." ^ This, the most open 
declaration in favour of Katherine 's claim that 
had yet appeared, naturally incensed Elizabeth, 

1 Guzman de Silva, writing to the King of Spain, states 
that the book was written " in the interests of Katherine in 
the matter of the succession, and mainly consisted of two 
points : first, as to whether King Henry's will was valid or 
not, as in it this Katherine is appointed amongst others as 
his successor ; and secondly, the question of the Scotch Queen 
being an alien." — Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. i. 
p. 427. 

The validity of Henry VIII's will was questioned on the 
ground that the king did not sign it with his own hand, but 
by means of a stamp. See The Nine-days' Queen (R. Davey), 
pp. 109, 1 10. 

212 



Lady Katherine the Centre of Intrigues 

all the more so as it eventually transpired that 
both the Chancellor (Sir Nicholas Bacon) and 
Secretary Cecil had had a share in the preparation 
of the book, though all the blame, when the 
queen learnt of it later on, was laid upon Hales, 
who, to add to his offence, had called in foreign 
lawyers to prove the legality of Hertford's mar- 
riage. Hales was sent to the Fleet Prison for six 
months, Bacon was severely reprimanded, whilst 
Cecil, in a letter dated May 9, 1564, states that 
he was '' not free from the Queen's suspicions." 
No doubt Elizabeth's resentment against the 
authors or suspected authors of this attempt to 
favour Lady Katherine, was fanned by Lord 
Robert Dudley, who took advantage of this 
opportunity^ to strike a nasty blow at his 
arch-enemy, Cecil, whom he accused of being the 
author of the offensive pamphlet. The foreign 
State Papers throw considerable light on the 
events of this period, especially a letter from Don 
Diego Guzman de Silva, the Spanish ambassador 
ordinary, who came into office after the sudden 
death of Quadra, and who, writing to the King 
of Spain on June 27 (1564), says : *' A great 
friend of Lord Robert Dudley has been to visit 
me on his behalf, and has informed me of the great 
enmity that exists between Cecil and Robert even 
before this book [i. e. Hales' s pamphlet] was 
213 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey- 
published, but now very much more. . . . The Queen 
is extremely angry about it [the book], although 
she signifies that there are so many accomplices 
in the offence that they must overlook it, and has 
begun to slacken in the matter. This person 
has asked me from Robert with great secrecy to 
take an opportunity in speaking to the Queen to 
urge her not to fail in adopting strong measures 
in this business, as if Cecil were out of the way, 
the affairs of Your Majesty [the King of Spain] 
would be more favourably dealt with and religious 
questions as well, because this Cecil and his friends 
are those who persecute the Catholics and dislike 
Your Majesty, whereas the other man [Lord 
Robert] is looked upon as faithful. . . If the Queen 
would disgrace Cecil, it would be a great good to 
them, and this man tried to persuade me to make 
use of Robert. . . . With regard to this particular 
business [of the pamphlet], also, I would be glad 
to do as Robert desired. . . I have advice reaching 
me from all sides, and particularly from Catholics, 
that this punishment [i. e. the disgrace of Cecil] 
should be pressed upon the Queen.'' Neverthe- 
less, these sinister schemes do not seem to have 
come to anything, since Cecil did not receive 
so much as a reprimand ; but, as already stated, 
he was well aware that he had aroused Her 

Majesty's suspicions of him, and doubtless, with 
214 




WILLIAM CECIL, LORD BURLEIGH 



Lady Katherine the Centre of Intrigues 

his characteristic acuteness, took good care to 
do nothing that might compromise him further. 
Lord John Grey was not so fortunate, though it is 
difficult to see what he had to do with the affair; 
but all the same he received a warning, and was 
kept under arrest at Pirgo until his death. It 
may be that, apart from the abortive Spanish 
plot for the abduction of Lady Katherine, some 
other conspiracy was on foot to place her on the 
Throne, and that Lord John Grey was cognizant 
of this scheme. Really the Greys' motto might 
well have been ** Save me from my friends,'' 
for their worst enemies were their most eager 
supporters — Lady Jane's execution was the im- 
mediate result of her father's insurrection; and 
Hales's attempt to vindicate Lady Katherine's 
honour, only served to increase Elizabeth's anger 
against her and hers. 

The loss of the queen's favour had a depress- 
ing effect on the health of Lord John Grey, who, 
on May 20, 1564, in a curious letter to Cecil, 
says it will no longer endure the strain of anxiety 
caused by the care of his niece, the Lady Katherine, 
adding that he has been very ill and fears he may 
not live much longer. Late in November 1564, 
Cecil wrote to Lord Robert Dudley to inform him 
that Lord John Grey had died at Pirgo five days 
previously [i. e. about November 21], '' of whom 
■ 215 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

his friends report that he died of thought, but his 
gout was sufficient to have ended his Hie." By 
'' thought '' his Lordship no doubt meant *' worry/' 
Whether Lady Katherine stayed at Pirgo for her 
uncle's funeral, we know not : she may even 
have left before his death, for Cecil, in his letter, 
expressly states that at the time of writing she 
was in the charge of Sir William Petre at Ingate- 
stone House in Essex. As this mansion is about 
ten miles from Pirgo, she would have had no great 
distance to travel — a mercy for her, in her weak 
state. For the next eighteen months we hear 
nothing of her; very likely she remained more 
or less closely confined at Ingatestone, until 
she was consigned, in 1566, to the care of Sir 
John Wentworth of Gosfield Hall, near Halstead 
in Essex. 

Meanwhile, the Duchess of Somerset continued 
her agitation on behalf of her son and his wife; 
and in Lent 1565 (the letter is dated April 18), 
she writes to Cecil and Dudley, begging them '* to 
take some occasion to do good in my son's case." 
The former she also beseeched to '' provoke " 
[i. e. urge] Lord Robert; *' trusting the occasion 
of this Holy Week and charitable time for forgive- 
ness, earnestly set forth by his Lordship and you, 
will bring forth some comfortable fruit of relief to 

the long afflicted parties, wherein my Lord and you 
216 



Lady Katherine the Centre of Intrigues 

cannot go so far, but God's cause and the Queen's 
honour bid you go farther/' 

The young Earl of Hertford had, as we have 
seen, been removed from the Tower to his mother's 
house at Han worth in August 1563. He soon 
had good cause to regret the change, for the 
duchess, who had always discountenanced his 
marriage, made him feel his error in a most un- 
pleasant manner. She was, she said, '' tired of 
the whole matter," and wished she '' had never 
heard of Lady Katherine or of her family " — no 
good had come of it. She did not, however, 
refuse to assist her son in his difficulties, but she 
did so in an *' unfriendly way," so that the first 
days at Hanworth must have been the reverse of 
pleasant; particularly as the duchess's husband, 
Mr. Newdigate, made himself exceedingly disagree- 
able and interfering. In May 1564, Hertford 
was suddenly sent from Hanworth to the custody 
of Sir John Mason — that very subtle man who 
had desired he should be harshly dealt with 
— at his house in Clerkenwell. The wording of 
the royal warrant (dated May 26, 1564), which 
commits the Earl of Hertford to his [Mason's] 
custody, '' discharging him of Fr. Newdigate, 
who is to confine himself to his own house," 
has given rise to the erroneous impression that 

Newdigate also had been imprisoned at Sir John's 
217 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

mansion. It should probably read, ** Discharging 
him [i. e. Hertford] from Francis Newdigate," 
meaning that the earl's step-father, who was in 
these terms ordered to hand his prisoner over to 
Mason, should have no further intercourse with 
him, and therefore '' confine himself to his own 
house '' — in other words, stay at home. 

Misfortune seems to have attended most of the 
ladies and gentlemen whom Elizabeth obliged 
to act as jailers to her various obnoxious kinsmen. 
They nearly all came to some grief or other. In 
April 1566, Sir John Mason died somewhat 
suddenly. After his death, Hertford lodged, for 
a time, with his widow, from whose house, on 
June 24 of the same year, he writes to Cecil 
complaining that his brother, Henry Seymour, 
'* bears part of the penalty of the Queen's dis- 
pleasure." Was this young gentleman also in- 
volved in the Hales business ? In 1567, Quadra 
tells us that the earFs imprisonment had become 
more strict, but omits to say where he was at 
that time. On June 7 of the following year (1568), 
he, however, reappears, when he addresses a joint 
letter to Leicester, Mildmay and Cecil, in which 
he says he is '' much bound to the Queen " 
for her '' acceptation of his mother's suit " — 
apparently the duchess had met with some success 

in her supplications on his behalf — and further 
218 



Lady Katherine the Centre of Intrigues 

thanks Her Majesty for ** her intention to take 
;^700 a year till the £10,000 be paid/' The mean- 
ing of this is not clear, unless it refers to the 
payment of his fine, which however was adjudged 
in marks, not pounds. Hertford was then living 
at '' Sir John Spencer's/' 

In 1566, as we have stated, his unhappy countess, 
the Lady Katherine, had been sent to Sir John 
Wentworth's very dreary mansion, Gosfield Hall, 
Essex/ The official order to receive her must 
have been a heavy blow to Sir John, for on May 
14 of that year he wrote a letter ^ to the privy 
council, declaring himself a most '' unmeet man 
to receive such a charge, being of years above 
threescore and sixteen, and of late much visited 
with sickness"; and, he adds, ''my wife for this 
fortnight or three weeks hath been visited with 
an ague, and doubteth much (but) that it will 
breed to a quart ain, who is above the years of 
threescore and ten and cannot go so much as 
unto her garden to take any air/' 

Gosfield Hall must have at this juncture some- 
what resembled a hospital, for in addition to the 
sick Wentworth and his wife, their daughter, 

^ Gosfield Hall, a fortified brick building, encircling a 
quadrangular court, is two miles from Halstead in Essex and 
forty-four from London. It stood in the midst of a pleasant 
park of a hundred and seven acres, having a lake. 

2 State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xxxix. fol. 70. 
219 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

the Lady Maltravers — or '' Mattrevers," as he 
spells it — ^lay there *' so ill that she could not see 
anyone/' To crown all these objections, Sir 
John informs the council that his house is the 
last in which the Lady Katherine would be safe; 
'* for all the times in the night they may come to 
the windows of every chamber in my house, or talk 
with her or deliver letters unto her, or if she were 
so disposed, she may either let them into her 
chamber, or go out to them at the loops of the 
windows, they are so great and wide/' ^ Indeed, 
he says, it would be better for him to be imprisoned 
himself than to take up a task like this, which he 
could not fulfil. 

Unfortunately for the poor man, Elizabeth 
had visited Gosfield Hall on one of her progresses 
(in 1561), and remembered the house well enough 
not to place much faith in its being so very un- 
safe a residence for her afflicted prisoner. No 
notice accordingly seems to have been taken of Sir 
John's letter; and to Gosfield Lady Katherine 
proceeded, with her retinue, her ** monks," her 
parrots, and her pet dogs. 

Albeit Ehzabeth had good cause to wish her 
to be kept very secure. On account of the agita- 

^ This phrase would tempt one to think that the scheme 
for abducting the Lady Katherine to Spain may not, after 
all, have been altogether abandoned, even as late as this, or 
that some other plot for her sudden seizure was feared. 
220 



Lady Katherine the Centre of Intrigues 

tion in her favour, Lady Katherine, though 
imprisoned, was almost as great a thorn in the 
queen's side as if she had been free. The party 
which supported her claims to the Throne was now 
stronger than ever; although Spain kept aloof, 
for the Spanish ambassador did not hesitate 
to warn Elizabeth against allowing Katherine 
to be nominated her successor, and once more 
urged the queen to cut the question short by 
marrying. Had it merely depended on a vote 
in Parliament, Katherine would certainly have 
been nominated, for the Ambassador remarks 
that the Protestant party, who were greatly in 
the majority in the Commons, were '* furiously 
in favour of her." Doubtless this w^as precisely 
the reason why the Spaniards had lost the interest 
in her they had felt in past times, when she 
declared herself a Catholic. At the head of the 
movement was Cecil, whilst the Duke of Norfolk, 
who still cherished the idea of uniting his daughter 
to one of Katherine' s sons, gave him his hearty 
support. On the other hand, the lords were 
mostly in favour of the Queen of Scots, Catholic 
influence being strong in the Upper House. By 
the year 1566, the Protestant party in Parliament 
was waxing so irritable at the queen's persis- 
tent refusal to name her successor, that during 

the autumn session of that year, they boldly 
221 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

threatened to refuse to vote Her Majesty further 
financial suppHes, unless she consented to come 
to a decision in the matter. The tension was so 
great, that on one occasion, about this time, 
a regular hand-to-hand fight took place in 
full Parliament, between Katherine's supporters 
and their opponents. Not daring, however, to 
*' starve out " Elizabeth in the way proposed, 
the Protestant party next tried to bribe the queen 
into consenting to their proposals, by offering 
to vote her, without discussion, £250,000, on the 
sole condition that she allowed them to nominate 
her successor, in which case, it was thought, they 
would choose Katherine as her heir. Elizabeth, 
exasperated beyond endurance at such insolence, 
this time replied that '' on no account would she 
allow this nomination to be discussed further," 
that she refused to make any conditions what- 
ever, and that they ought to have the decency 
to vote supplies from motives of pure patriotism, 
instead of from interest or party gain. The queen 
must have felt that her position was very 
insecure, else surely, with her characteristic vin- 
dictiveness, she would have taken more drastic— 
and in this case justifiable — measures against 
those who had dared to offer her such an obvious 
affront. On the other hand, what she told the 

Spanish ambassador may have been true that, 
222 



Lady Katherine the Centre of Intrigues 

'' though she would concede nothing in this matter 
of the succession, she wished to dissemble, and 
let the Parliament talk, in order that she might 
know what were their opinions and thus dis- 
cover the lady of each man's choice,'' meaning 
Mary Stuart or Lady Katherine. Nevertheless, 
'' Gloriana " was considerably exercised in her 
mind, for, the Ambassador continues, '' she fears 
that if the matter is carried further they will 
adopt Katherine, both she and her husband 
being strong Protestants, and most of the 
members of Parliament are heretics, and are 
going on that course to maintain their own 
party." For all that, she severely reprimanded 
the Parliament in her prorogation speech, and 
had a violent quarrel with Norfolk, Leicester 
and other noblemen for daring to discuss the 
matter; finally, she issued an order to the 
effect that no allusion was to be made to it in 
Parliament under pain of punishment. This order 
was withdrawn soon after, but the question was 
dropped. The agitation in Katherine' s favour 
continued, however, in secret, and the Spanish 
State Papers clearly demonstrate that the accusa- 
tions against Mary Stuart, of having connived 
at her husband Darnley's murder, were brought 
forward by the Protestant party principally in 

order to benefit Lady Katherine by injuring the 

223 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

reputation of, and creating a prejudice against, 
the Catholic Queen of Scots, the rival claimant 
to the succession/ On the night that Darnley's 
death became known in London (somewhere in 
February 1567), Leicester sent his brother, the 
Earl of Warwick, to Hertford, '' to offer him his 
services in the matter of the succession, and Lord 
Robert himself went to see the Duchess of Somer- 
set, the earFs mother, with the same object, 
and has made friends with them both, contrary 
to his former action." He had hitherto supported 
the Queen of Scots, and, as we have seen, had 
been extremely averse to Lady Katherine's claim. 
It is strange, therefore, that he should have veered 
round so suddenly, unless he felt convinced that 
Katherine's chances of succeeding Elizabeth were 
now better than ever, and deemed it good policy 
to be on the winning side. The result of these 
interviews, the details of which are lost, is un- 
known; probably Lord Robert's suggestions fell 
through, owing to Hertford's habitual pusillani- 
mity; whilst the duchess is not likely to have 
been over enthusiastic for the advancement of her 
daughter-in-law, or desirous of seeing her son 
get himself into still worse trouble by taking any 
further ill-advised action. No doubt, moreover, 
EHzabeth was aware that her captives were 

1 Spanish State Papers, vol. i. pp. 618, 637. 
224 



Lady Katherine the Centre of Intrigues 

likely to become dangerous again, for in December 
1567 we learn from the Spanish State Papers that 
Hertford's imprisonment became stricter than ever, 
** they are/' he says, '' possibly afraid of some 
movement in his favour, as I am assured that cer- 
tain negotiations are afoot respecting the succession 
to the Crown very different from the marriage 
business/' What these were, he does not say, 
but probably he alludes to the attempts to injure 
Mary Stuart's good name, in order the better to 
forward Lady Katherine's cause, or to Dudley's 
visit to the Earl of Hertford, which, if he were 
still a prisoner at that time, must have been 
arranged secretly, and was doubtless the principal 
reason why he was treated with renewed severity. 
Meanwhile, Lady Katherine remained, for some 
seventeen months, at Gosfield, until Sir John 
Wentworth's death, in 1567, — he too, so to speak, 
died of Lady Katherine — obliged the queen to 
make a fresh disposal of her luckless cousin. 
Lady Wentworth still lived on, but '' besides her 
great age, which is seventy-one years, is grieven 
by the sorrow of her late husband's death so weak 
and sickly as it is to be feared she cannot long 
continue without she shortly amend." It almost 
looks as though Elizabeth had sent her unhappy 
kinswoman to Gosfield with the deliberate inten- 
tion of driving her melancholy mad ! The poor 
Q 225 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

soul stayed on for several weeks in the house of 
death and mourning, until Mr. Roke Green, 
Wentworth's executor and agent, who was a 
relative of the family, received the queen's orders 
to take charge of the prisoner, her child, and her 
train — a charge he politely, but firmly, declined 
to undertake, his house, he urged, being altogether 
too small, whilst he himself had no wife, and *' by 
the occasion of the great charge of children I 
have, I am much enforced to be from my house,'' 
which probably means that he was a sort of 
guardian to a numerous group of orphans. He 
might as well have spared himself the trouble 
of writing his letter,^ which probably crossed 

^ This letter runs as follows : — 

" And, as I hear, the Lady Matravers her [Lady Went- 
worth's] daughter does not mind to keep the house [Gosfield], 
but is better disposed to sojourn in some convenient place 
for her Ladyship, So that if I should be thought meet to have 
the charge of the said Lady Catherin, I must remove her 
from thence unto my house, which is nothing meet for many 
respects for such a personage. I have no wife to take the 
charge of my house, the want whereof hath occasioned me 
to lie most part at the said Mr. Wentworthe's, wliose kins- 
man I was. My house and provision is neither within or 
without furnished meet to receive such a charge, [and] my 
business is most times such, by the occasion of the great 
charge of children I have, that I am much enforced to be from 
my house. Sir, I do not deal thus plainly and truly with 
you for that I am loth to take the charge of her Ladyship 
(if I were meet for the same) for any mishking I have of her 
or hers, for I must for truth's sake confess, as one that hath 
had good experience of her Ladyship's behaviour here, that 
226 



Lady Katherine the Centre of Intrigues 

one from the queen — dated Windsor, October 2, 
1567 — commanding him to convey the Lady 
Katherine and her train to Cockfield Hall, Yox- 
ford, and commit them to the custody of Sir 
Owen Hopton (who, so far as we can discover, 
was not at this time, as some writers assert. 
Lieutenant of the Tower). On the same day 
(October 2), Her Majesty sent her commands 
to Sir Owen to receive Lady Katherine and such 
servants as were in attendance on her. The fear 
of a fresh plot concerning Katherine and the 
succession must have haunted Elizabeth, for in 
making this order, she enjoins on Hopton to take 
the following significant precautions : '' Do not 
suffer her to have any conference with any stranger, 
nor that any resort be made unto her other than 
by yourself and of your household. And in case 
you shall be occasioned either for our service or 
for neighbourhood [ ' companionship ' ] to have 
any repair to your table [i. e. — ' have any one to 
sup or dine with you ' ], that she be not permitted 
to be in company of them, but so to be secluded as 
yourself and your wife be not thereby restrained 

it hath been very honourable and quiet, and her Ladyship's 
servants very orderly. ..." The letter, which is addressed 
to Cecil (here written " Cyssell "), is dated October 3, 1567; 
and, together with the next three warrants or letters above 
mentioned, will be found in vol. xliv. of the State Papers 
for the reign of Elizabeth. 

Q 2 227 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

from the entertainment of any of your friends. 
And generally we require you and your wife to 
keep her as one committed to your charge from 
conference or sight of strangers, according to the 
trust we repose in you. And as occasion shall 
arise wherein you shall desire to know our pleasure, 
you may thereof advertise some of our privy 
council, of whom you shall receive answer. And 
for the charges of the debts of her and her neces- 
sary servants attending upon her, you shall be 
satisfied as by the foresaid Roke Greene you may 
at more length understand was answered for the 
same unto the said Sr. John Wentworthe.'' ^ Sir 
Owen, who received the royal command on 
October 6, manifested even more than Mr. Roke 
Green, his reluctance to receive the princess, for 
in a letter to '* Cissyll '' [Cecil] dated the nth 
of the same month, he pointed out that he was 
just about to start with his wife and domestics 
for a stay at a house he had bought at Ipswich, 
an outing which the queen's orders compelled 
him to forego.^ After conference with Mr. Roke 

1 By a curious error this order is endorsed : " The Queen 
to Sr. Owen Hopton to receive the custody of Lady Mary 
Grey." 

2 The text of the letter is as follows : — 

" My duty most humbly remembered, may it like your 

Honour to be advertised, that the sixth of this month I 

received the Queen Her Highness' letters touching the charges 

and custody of the Lady Katerine [sic], her Highness' pleasure 

228 



Lady Katherine the Centre of Intrigues 

Green, who appears to have gone to Cockfield 
Hall to consult with Hopton, it was agreed that 
Lady Katherine should remain where she was — 
apparently at Gosfield Hall — till the 20th of 
October. About that date, therefore, her Lady- 
ship left Gosfield for Ipswich, a distance of some 
thirty miles. Owing to her delicate health, she 
performed the journey in a " coche,'' a ponderous 
vehicle drawn by four strong Flemish horses, sent 
from London for the purpose of her removal. 
In this she sat with her nurse and child, deeming 
it, no doubt, a very comfortable mode of travel- 
ling ; whilst her escort, forming a picturesque 
group, followed on horseback. The party spent 
a night at an inn in Ipswich; the landlord's bill 
of charges for their entertainment is still extant, 
in the account sent to the Exchequer by Hop- 
ton after Lady Katherine's death. It runs as 
follows : — 

" The charges for the receipt of the Lady Kathe- 

wherein I shall at all points endeavour myself to accomplish 
as one that dare not presume to make suit to the contrary, 
although I have great cause. For it may please you to 
understand that I was presently prepared with my wife and 
small household to lay at our little house in Ipswich and have 
disposed all things touching my provision in such sort as I 
must be now driven speedily to alter the same, and to rest 
at my poor head-house in Suffolk, for that this house and 
place in Ipswich is in all respects unfit for the charge now 
imposed upon me." 

229 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

rine, and for the board of her and her ordinary 
servants, &c. 

'' Imprimis; expended at Ipswich upon the 
receipt of the Lady Katherine for one supper and 
one dinner, fire, lodging and horsemeat there, 

7 li- 15s. 

'' Item; for one bait at Snape when the Lady 
Katherine came from Ipswich to Cokfield (Cock- 
field), 20s. 

** Item; for the hire of a cart for the carriage 
of the stuff and apparel of the same Lady Kathe- 
rine from Ipswich to Cockfield, 20s. 

*'Item; given in reward for the coach, los/'^ 

1 State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. xlvi., fol. 12. 



230 



CHAPTER IX 

LADY KATHERINE'S LAST ILLNESS AND 
DEATH 

Very soon after her arrival at Cockfield/ 

Lady Katherine, who was already in a deep 

decline, fell dangerously ill. Sorrow, anxiety, 

and hope deferred had done their work, and by 

the close of 1567, Sir Owen Hopton decided to 

send for Dr. Symonds, the queen's physician, who 

must have left for London somewhere in January 

1568, since on the nth of that month, Hopton 

wrote to Cecil ^ that his charge was much worse 

since Dr. Symonds's departure.^ He adds that 

he would like the queen to order her doctor to 

return at once; '' he then shall show his cunning 

and God shall do the cure.'' He did come back, 

^ A room known as " Lady Katherine's," is still shown at 
Cockfield Hall. Yoxford, where the house is situated, is in 
Suffolk, about four miles north of Saxmundham, and five 
from the sea. 

2 State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xlvi., fol. i. 

3 " She is now come to such weakness that she hath kept 
her bed these three days, being not able to rise, and taketh 
little sustenance, and the worst is she standeth in fear of 
herself [i.e. fears that she will die]." 

231 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

but as soon as he beheld the evidently dying 
lady, he warned her weeping attendants that her 
end was near. Sir Owen seems to have done 
his best to alleviate Lady Katherine's sufferings; 
and his household books mention the despatch 
of no less than three messengers to London with 
news concerning her illness. 

A remarkably interesting document, entitled 
The Manner of Her Departing, is still extant 
among the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum.^ 
All the night of January 26, 1568, says the writer. 
Lady Katherine prayed incessantly, repeating the 
orisons in the Book of Common Prayer, the ser- 
vice for the Visitation of the Sick from the same, 
and the Psalms. Her attendants endeavoured 
to persuade her that she would live, but she, 
being entirely reconciled to the idea of death, 
would not listen to them. '' Then said the Lady 
Hopton to her, ' Madam, be of good comfort, 
for with God's favour you shall live and escape 
this; for Mrs. Cousins saith you have escaped many 
dangers when you were as like to die as you 
be now.' ' No, no, my lady,' answered the 
Lady Katherine, ' my time is come, and it is not 
God's will I should live longer. His will be 
done, and not mine.' Then, looking on those 
about her, she added, ' As I am, so you shall 

1 British Museum, Harleian MSS., No. xxxix., fol. 380. 
232 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

behold the picture of yourselves/ About six or 
seven of the clock in the morning, she desired 
Sir Owen should be sent for, and upon his asking 
her how she did, replied, ' Even going to God, 
Sir Owen, even as fast as I can/ Then she 
added, ' I beseech you promise me one thing, that 
you yourself, with your own mouth, will make 
this request unto the Queen's Majesty, which shall 
be the last suit and request I ever shall make to 
Her Highness, even from the mouth of a dead 
woman, that she would forgive her displeasure 
towards me, as my hope is she hath done. I 
must needs confess I have greatly offended her, 
in that I made my choice without her know- 
ledge, otherwise I take God to witness, I had 
never the heart to think any evil against Her 
Majesty; and that she would be good unto my 
children, and not impute my fault unto them, 
whom I give wholly to Her Majesty; for in my life 
they had few friends, and fewer shall they have 
when I am dead, except Her Majesty be gracious 
unto them; and I desire Her Highness to be good 
unto my Lord [Hertford], for I know this my death 
will be heavy news to him ; that Her Grace will be 
so good as to send liberty to glad[den] his heart 
withal/ " She next asked for her jewel-box, 
and taking from it the ring with the pointed 

diamond in it, which her husband had given her 
233 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

when they phghted their troth, she desired Sir 
Owen to return it to him in her name, for '' This 
is the ring that I received of him when I gave 
myself unto him and gave him my faith/' Sir 
Owen, evidently remembering what had been said 
by Hertford about the wedding-ring at the time 
of his examination by Grindal and the commis- 
sion, inquired rather abruptly, '' What say you. 
Madam, was this your wedding-ring } " '' No, Sir 
Owen,*' said the dying lady, '' this was the ring 
of my assurance [betrothal] to Lord Hertford : 
there is my wedding-ring,'' and she lifted another 
ring, the one with the inscription upon it, out of 
the box : *' Deliver this also to my Lord, and 
pray him, even as I have been to him (as I take 
God to witness I have been) a true and faithful 
wife, that he will be a loving and natural father to 
our children, to whom I give the same blessing 
that God gave unto Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob." 
And then she took out yet another ring, with a 
death's head enamelled on it and the words, 
"While I lyve yours," and said, ''This shall be the 
last token to my Lord that ever I shall send 
him; it is the picture of myself." ''After which, 
noticing that her nails were turning purple, she 
said, with a joyful countenance, ' Lo, He comes ! 
Yea, even so come. Lord Jesus ! ' Then, after 
ejaculating the words, ' Welcome death ! ' she, 
234 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

embracing herself, as it were, with her arms, 
and Hfting up her eyes and hands to Heaven, 
and striking her breast with her hands, brake forth 
with these words : ' Lord ! for Thy manifold 
mercies, blot out of Thy book all my offences ! ' 
Whereby Sir Owen Hopton, perceiving her to 
draw towards her end, said to Mr. Bockeham, 
* Were it not best to send to the Church that 
the bell may be rung ? ' And Lady Katherine, 
overhearing him, said, ' Good Sir Owen, let it 
be so/ " Then, the parish-church of the neigh- 
bouring village of Yoxford tolled the passing 
bell. Some time — perhaps an hour — had elapsed, 
when Lady Katherine, awaking as if from a 
dream, and closing her eyes with her own hands, 
murmured — just as her sister, Lady Jane Grey, had 
done, when on the scaffold, fourteen years earlier : 
" Lord ! into Thy hands I commend my spirit 1 " 
and '' thus she yielded unto God her meek spirit 
at nine o'clock in the morning of the 27th of 
January 1568." She was only twenty-seven years 
of age at the time of her death. 

Elizabeth's persecution of Lady Katherine and 
Hertford was very nearly, if not quite, as un- 
relenting as Mary's treatment of Jane Grey and 
Guildford Dudley; but far less justifiable. Her 
methods were those of Julian and not of Nero; 
but quite as efficacious ! Jane had been actually 
235 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

placed on the Throne by a powerful party, had 
been proclaimed queen, and had received the 
homage due to royalty ; whereas the scheme in 
favour of Lady Katherine never took shape. 
Besides, Elizabeth, who had succeeded in making 
herself popular with a large section of the people, 
was far more firmly seated on the Throne in 1563 
than Mary had been in 1554, when her proposed 
Spanish marriage had rendered her obnoxious 
to a great number of her subjects. On the other 
hand, Hertford had violated the law passed in 
Henry VHI's reign, punishing with the utmost 
severity any subject who was so bold as to 
venture to marry a princess of the blood royal, 
especially if she was in the line of succession, 
without the sovereign's consent, ratified by Act 
of Parliament. His fate might indeed have been 
even worse, had not the Duchess of Somerset 
represented Lady Katherine as the more blame- 
worthy of the two. 

Lady Katherine's remains were evidently em- 
balmed, for among the items in the list of expenses 
incurred by Sir Owen Hopton we find the follow- 
ing : '' Itm' ; for one Mr. Hannse S'geon, for 
the cering of the corpse of the Lady Katherine, 
3h. Itm'; for spice, flax, rosin, wax, and the 
cofhn-making and for the serge clothes, 3li.'' 

The funeral took place on February 21, 1568, in 
236 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

Yoxford Church. There were seventy-seven mourn- 
ers, but nobody of great note was present; and, 
needless to say, Hertford was not allowed to attend, 
even by proxy. According to Hopton's account, 
there was but a meagre display of the banners, 
etc.,^ usual at state and semi-state funerals; and 

1 The accounts sent in by Sir Owen Hopton to the Ex- 
chequer are divided into three bills, the first for the expenses 
of Lady Katherine's keep before her death; the second for 
the funeral expenses; and the third for the heralds' fees. 

The first, endorsed " The charges of the Lady Catherine 
and of her servants until her funeral at Sir Owen Hopton' s," 
begins with the cost of her transport from Gosfield, already 
detailed, and continues : — 

" Itm'; for the diet of the Lady Katherine and the 
board of her ordinary servants, by the time and space of 
fourteen weeks, at 5 li. the week, 70 li. 

" Itm'; for the board of the Lady Katherine's ordinary 
servants sithens her departure [i. e. since her death], by 
the time of three weeks and three days at 33s. 4d. the 
week, 6 li. 

" Itm'; for sending to London three times while the 
Lady Katherine was sick, 3 li. 

"Itm'; for the charge of Doctor Simondes and his 
man and his horse at Cockfield twice (left blank). 

"Itm'; for my own charge two times coming to 
London (also blank)." 
The charges for the funeral, exclusive of the embalming, 
are as foUows : — 

" Imprimis; for four meals and two nights' lodging 
of aU the mourners, being to the number of 77, for their 
horsemeat during that time, 40 li. Besides a great num- 
ber of comers to see the solemnity of that burial. 
" Itm' ; paid to the singing men at the same funeral, 20s. 
" Itm'; paid for the watchers of the Lady Katherine, 
40s." 

'^11 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

it also indicates that the service was choral.^ 
A sum of £4 17s. 8d. was dispensed to the poor 
after the funeral. There is no monument to 
Lady Katherine Grey in Yoxford Church; but a 
small black stone in the chancel was, according 

By a warrant of February 6 (1568) the Exchequer was 
ordered to pay Sir Owen £76 for the heralds' expenses at 
" the interment and burial of our cousin the Lady Katheryne 
lately deceased, daughter of our entirely beloved cousin the 
Lady Frances Duchess of Suffolk." The most interesting of 
these expenses are the following :— 

" For the liveries of one herald, 5 yards at i6s. the 
yard, 4li. 

" For the herald's fee, 3 li. 6s. 8d., & for his trans- 
portation hither and back again at 6d. a mile, 3 li. 7s. 
" For Mr. Garter's fee, 10 li. 
'* To the painter, for a great banner of arms, 50s. 
" For 6 great scutcheons on paste paper, 3 li. 
" For 2 dozen of scutcheons of paper in metal for 
garnishing of the house and the church, and 6 dozen of 
paper scutcheons in colours, 61i. 8s. 

" Itm'; paid to the tailors for working of the cloth & 
other things upon the hearse, 20s." 
In these expenses, Hopton expended the whole £76; and 
by a warrant to the Exchequer dated March 10, 1568, order 
was given to pay him £140 " for the board of our cousin the 
Lady Katheryne and of her servants while she was in his 
keeping, and for charges for hj^j; coming thither, as also for 
money laid out by him for household charges during her 
sickness and belonging thereunto." 

(These documents will be found in the State Papers, 
Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xlvi., fols. 23, 24, 48, 49.) 

1 It has been said by recent historians, and notably by 
Burke, that Lady Katherine reverted to the Cathohc Church 
before her death. So far as the present writer has been able 

238 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

to local tradition, said to mark her resting- 
place. As the words Hie tandem qua vixere 
Concordia requiescant simul (''At length they 
rest together here, in the concord in which they 
lived '') are inscribed on Hertford's tomb in 
Salisbury Cathedral, it is believed that Lady 
Katherine's remains were translated thither. 
There is no clear documentary evidence that this 
was the case, but the theory seems supported by 
a statement in an MS. in the College of Arms 
(Reyce's MSS. relating to Suffolk), to the effect 
that, '' There lie buried in the church and chancel 
of Yoxford, the bowels of Lady Katherine, wife 
of Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford," imply- 
ing that her body was interred elsewhere. Another 
MS. relating to Yoxford states that the banners 
and pennons, mentioned in Hopton's accounts, 
continued to hang in the chancel of the parish 
church as late as 1594, and included, '' for the 
Lady Katherine, a target [i. e. coat of arms] of 
England, and four standards of arms, two France 

to ascertain, there exists no documentary nor any contem- 
porary evidence to support th>. theory. The burial service 
cannot have been any but that of the Book of Common 
Prayer, seeing all Roman Catholic rites were prohibited 
in England at this time. The Manner of Her Departing, 
whilst it expressly states that she read, in her last hours, 
the Prayers for the Visitation of the Sick in the EngUsh Book 
of Common Prayer, curiously enough, does not say whether 
any minister of religion was present at her deathbed. 
239 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

and England quarterly, a bordure, gobone argent 
and azure/' 

According to a pretty tradition still lingering 
through the ages at Yoxford, a little pet spaniel 
that had belonged to Lady Katherine, was, for 
weeks, seen to come daily to her grave, upon 
which it was one morning found dead. Much 
the same story is related of a spaniel belonging 
to Mary Queen of Scots, which followed her to 
the scaffold and died of grief a few days after her 
execution. 

No trace is to be found in the State Papers of 
any letters addressed by Katherine, either to her 
sister Mary or to others, save Cecil, Leicester or 
the queen, during all the time of her imprisonment. 
Probably she was strictly prohibited from writing 
to any one except these last three, and to them 
only. Considering how actively Cecil supported 
her cause, it seems a little unwise to have allowed 
him to hold intercourse with her; but, no doubt, 
Elizabeth kept watch also over him, and therefore 
had nothing to fear from that quarter. 

From 1568 onwards we hear nothing of Hert- 
ford until, in June 1571, he addresses a letter to 
Burleigh, '' from my park of Tottenham,'' in 
which he speaks of '' the endeavour to bring in 
question great part of the title of my lands." 

The details of this dispute are lost, nor is any 
240 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

mention of this Tottenham property to be found 
in the records of that place. A letter from 
Queen Elizabeth, the date and destination of 
which are uncertain, but which was probably 
written in 1570, alluding to '* a suit long depen- 
dent between the Earl of Hertford and the 
Lord Went worth for certain concealed lands/' 
doubtless refers to this matter. At that time, 
Hertford seems to have been still in disfavour 
with the queen ; but soon after, matters 
mended, for, according to Doyle's Official Baron- 
age, on August 30, 1571, he was permitted to 
proceed to Cambridge to take his degree as 
Master of Arts. 

The earl remarried some years after Lady 
Katherine's death. His second wife was a sister 
of that Lady Sheffield who was at this time 
secretly married to Leicester, and was a daughter 
of Lord Howard of Effingham, and maid of 
honour to Queen Elizabeth. This marriage 
brought back to Hertford Elizabeth's favour, 
to such an extent that he entertained her with 
great pomp at his estate of Elvetham in Hamp- 
shire, in September 1591/ He had no children 
by his second wife, who died some years after her 

1 Hertford was even made lord lieutenant of the counties 
of Somerset and Wilts, and of the cities of Bristol, Bath, 
Wells and Salisbury. 

R 241 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

marriage. Hertford had a fine monument erected 

over her remains ; according to Dean Stanley, 

he was also instrumental in erecting his mother's 

(the Duchess of Somerset) handsome tomb in 

St. Edmund's Chapel, Westminster. The Earl of 

Hertford's third wife was Lady Frances Howard, 

another cousin of the queen, and widow of a 

certain Mr. Prannel, a London wine merchant, 

who had left her an enormous fortune. She 

seems to have been a very haughty woman, who 

gave herself such prodigious airs, that her husband 

was fain to remind her, from time to time, of the 

fact that before he married her she had been a 

mere city dame : '' Frank ! Frank T' he would 

call out — the lady's name was Frances — '' how 

long is it since thou wert wedded to Prannel ? " 

Shortly after this marriage, Hertford once more 

incurred the queen's displeasure by attempting 

to prove, before the Court of Arches, the legitimacy 

of his eldest son by Lady Katherine Grey. 

Elizabeth promptly lodged him in the ^ Tower 

again (in 1596), and his wife came up to London 

to petition Her Maj esty for his release. For nearly 

six months she came daily to the palace, without 

being received by Elizabeth, who seems, however, 

to have treated her not unkindly, sending her 

broths, meats, sweets and wine from the royal 

table. After a good deal of trouble, Hertford was 
242 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

released, and probably from sheer fear of angering 
Her Majesty anew, kept out of London till after her 
death. Under James I he returned to court, and 
in 1605 he was appointed ambassador to the arch- 
duke regent at Brussels. He died in 1621 in his 
eighty-third year, having survived his first wife 
fifty-three years : the third Countess of Hertford 
outlived him, and two months after his death, 
married Ludovic, Duke of Richmond and Lennox, 
being buried with him, in a fine tomb in Henry VH's 
Chapel in Westminster Abbey. Hertford lived long 
enough to see the validity of his marriage to 
Katherine Grey proved by the reappearance (in 
1608) of the priest who had performed the cere- 
mony. He left no issue by his second and third 
marriages. 

Lady Katherine's husband was buried under 
a handsome but over-elaborate Jacobean monu- 
ment of various marbles, which stands at the east 
end of the south aisle of Salisbury Cathedral.^ 

1 Mr. W. L. Rutton's translation of the very crude Latin 
inscription on this tomb runs as follows : — 

" Sacred to the Memory of Edward, Earl of Hertford, Baron 
Beauchamp, Son and Heir of the most illustrious Prince, 
Edward, Duke of Somerset, Earl of Hertford, Viscount 
Beauchamp and Baron of St. Maur [Seymour], Knight Com- 
panion of the Most Noble Order of the Garter, Uncle and 
Governor of King Edward VI, the most worthy Protector 
of his Kingdoms, Lordships and Dependencies, Commander- 
in-Chief of the Army and Lord Lieutenant, Lord Treasurer 
R2 243 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

The recumbent effigies of the earl and Lady 
Katherine praying, the former clothed in armour, 
are remarkably fine; so, too, are the figures of 

and Earl Marshal of England, Governor and Captain of the 
Islands of Guernsey and Jersey : by Anne his wife, of most 
illustrious and ancient descent. 

" And also of his most dearly beloved wife, Catherine, 
Daughter and heiress of Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, by his 
Duchess, Frances, daughter and heiress of Charles Brandon, 
Duke of Suffolk, by Mary, sister of Henry VHI, Queen of 
France, and thus by descent the great-granddaughter of 
Henry VII. Incomparable consorts [Katherine and Hert- 
ford], who experienced in the vicissitudes of changing fortune, 
at length, in the concord which marked their lives, here rest 
together. 

** She, a woman of exceptional quality, of honour, piety, 
beauty and constancy, the best and most illustrious, not 
only of her own, but every age. Piously and peacefully 
she expired, the 22nd of January 1563. [A complete 
error.] 

" He, A man of perfect integrity, a pattern of nobility, a 
guardian of morals and early training, of eloquence, pru- 
dence, blamelessness and gravity, nor less distinguished by 
virtue and learning than by the lustre of noble birth, as one 
who was associated in his youthful studies with Prince 
Edward, son of King Henry VHI. An ardent champion of 
religion; the never-failing maintainer of right and justice; 
of consummate fidelity and influence in administration of 
the provinces committed to him. Plenipotentiary for James, 
King of Great Britain, in the legation to the Archduke and 
Duchess (of the Netherlands). Great in his munificence at 
home and abroad, and although of surpassing wealth, yet 
he did more largely abound in mental than in material opu- 
lence, nor ever did he exercise his power on the weakness of 
his dependants. Full of honours as of years, in his eighty- 
third year he yielded to Nature, the 6th of April 1621. By 
the heroine (of this epitaph) he had two sons." 
244 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

the two sons, also in armour, kneeling on either 
side. This monument is said to be the work of 
an Italian sculptor, and bears a strong resem- 
blance to some of the tombs of the decadent 
period in Venice. 

The question of the succession, in relation to 
the Grey family, did not close with the death of 
Lady Katherine. Henry VIIFs will, the cause 
of all the trouble, and Edward VI 's '' Devise for 
the Succession,'' its confirmation, both placed 
the children of the two Ladies Grey in the direct 
line of the succession, a fact not forgotten by 
Lady Katherine's partisans, even in her life- 
time. Death having removed that lady, a 
movement was started in favour of the claims 
of her sons, then aged six and four years re- 
spectively. Eight days after Lady Katherine's 
funeral, Guzman de Silva informed the King 
of Spain, his master, that Leicester had obtained 
the queen's leave to go and visit his estates 
and meet the Duke of Norfolk on the road, 
'' and it is now said that he will leave here 
in five days, and that in Northampton the 
duke and earl will meet together with the 
earls of Warwick and Huntingdon and other 
nobles, in order to arrange a new friendship. 
Cecil and Leicester will also be reconciled, and 

they will discuss the succession in consequence 
245 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

of Katherine's death/' ^ The result of this meet- 
ing, if it ever took place, is not on record; but it 
was rumoured in political circles at this time, 
that one of the sons of Lady Katherine might be 
eventually placed on the Scottish Throne, and 
thus the conversion of that country to Protestant- 
ism be absolutely assured, and probably its an- 
nexation to England effected at the same time. 
The greatest supporters of this scheme were Cecil 
and the chancellor (Sir Nicholas Bacon), who, as 
we have already seen, had all along consistently 
favoured Lady Katherine 's claim. More remark- 
able still, Elizabeth, although she abhorred the 
idea that these boys, '' brats " as she called them, 
might one day occupy her Throne, endorsed the 
scheme for placing one of them on that of Scotland. 
Very likely she saw in this a chance of getting at 
least the eldest out of the way of the English 
succession. A letter written in June 1570 by 
one Antonio de Guaras, a Spanish merchant or 
banker who acted as a sort of sp}^ in England, 
during a period when there was no regular am- 
bassador, contains the following curious state- 
ment, which had no doubt considerable founda- 
tion in fact. The northern rebellion had only 
recently been crushed, and Elizabeth demanded 

1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. ii. Letter dated 
February 28, 1568. 

246 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

of the Scotch, certain hostages, including Prince 
James of Scotland, afterwards James I of England, 
to be held as pledges of the future good behaviour 
of our northern neighbours. The Scotch, says De 
Guaras, would not accede to these demands, 
'' which would be their ruin, as the object of the 
Queen of England, it is suspected, is to at once 
kill the prince [James], and place on the [Scotch] 
Throne the eldest son of Katherine, sister of Jane 
who was beheaded, he being a heretic." ^ It was 
doubtless with some such object in view that 
Elizabeth, as another Spanish envoy informs us, 
was " bringing up with much more state than 
formerly the two children of Hertford and Kathe- 
rine,'' ^ from which we may suppose that poor 
Katherine's dying request had been conveyed to 
the queen by Sir Owen Hopton, and that Elizabeth 
acceded to it, if only from interested motives.^ 
Meanwhile, the vexed question of the English 

1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. ii., p. 249. 

2 Ihid. vol. ii., p. 229. Letter of Guerau de Spes to the 
King of Spain. He adds that " Cecil even proposed lately 
to call the eldest [son] the Duke of Somerset, which has not 
yet been decided upon." 

2 It is remarkable that the official account of Katherine's 
death makes no allusion to her final parting from her younger 
son, now five years old. He most certainly went with his 
mother to Cockfield Hall; but judging from the above quota- 
tion, was, on Lady Katherine's death, handed over to the 
care of the queen's attendants. 
247 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

succession was not left in abeyance. In 1572, 
Parliament met to discuss who should take Her 
Majesty's place in the event of her death, and the 
claim of the young son of Katherine and Hertford 
was supported by many of the members, although 
others contested his legitimacy, and it was even 
thought that the second son had a better chance, 
because, according to the Spanish State Papers, 
" his parents were married, before he was born, 
with the consent of the queen and council/' It 
is puzzling to make out what is meant by this 
statement ; either it is an error, or else indeed 
the ecclesiastical courts had, on some date now 
unknown to historians, reversed their previous 
decision, annulling the marriage. Certainly the 
legitimacy of the children of this marriage was still 
doubted as late as 1574, since a document in the 
British Museum,^ states that in October of that 
year '' the privy council were disputing warmly 
as to the legitimacy of the sons of the Earl 
of Hertford, and it was understood that they 
unanimously agreed that they were not legiti- 
mate ; and that the legitimate heir (to the Enghsh 
Throne) was the Prince of Scotland (afterwards 
James I).'' 

In October 1572 Elizabeth had a recurrence 
of exactly the same sickness which had so alarmed 

1 British Museum, Additional MSS., 26, 056b. Document 
entitled " Substance of Guar as' Letters." 
248 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

her subjects ten years before — the physicians 
called it small-pox.^ She was soon once more so 
near death that her life was despaired of : Sir 
Thomas Smith, in a letter to Cecil, tells us '' My 
Lord Leicester sat up by her bed all night/' Again 
the question of the succession was actively dis- 
cussed, and an unsigned letter addressed from 
London to the Duke of Alva,^ dated the 26th 
of October 1572, informs us that before the 
precise nature of the queen's complaint was 
known at court, *' the Earl of Leicester, the 
Treasurer (the Marquis of Winchester), and the 
Earl of Bedford were closeted together several 
times to arrange, in case the queen died, to pro- 
claim king one of the two sons of the Earl of 
Hertford by Lady Katherine ; this being the 
intention of the three lords in question and all 
their party. The two boys,'' the letter con- 
tinues, '' are being brought up by their paternal 
grandmother, the Duchess of Somerset." Once 
more the vigorous queen rallied, but falling ill 
again in December of the same year, '' the secret 
murmurs in court, and amongst people all over 
the country, as to what will become of the country 
in case of the queen's death, were very remark- 
able. . . . The Catholics wish in such case to 

1 It is most unlikely that the queen had small-pox on both 
these occasions ; probably this second malady was what 
would now be called chicken-pox. 

2 British Museum, Cottonian MSS., Galba, c. iv. 

249 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

proclaim the Queen of Scots, and the heretics to 
take up arms against her and proclaim the son of 
the Earl of Hertford. . . . They have passed 
a law, making it treason to discuss the matter 
during the queen's Hie," ^ Her Majesty had at 
this time once more refused to allow a successor 
to be nominated. 

By far the most curious allusion, in the Spanish 
State Papers, to the plot for putting Hertford's 
son on the Scotch Throne is contained in a 
collection of extracts from letters written by 
Antonio de Guaras in December 1574. Mary 
Queen of Scots was then a prisoner in the Earl of 
Shrewsbury's mansion at the Peak, whilst Lady 
Margaret Lennox had just been sent to the Tower 
afresh for marrying her son to Shrewsbury's 
daughter. The marriage had greatly incensed 
" Gloriana," who, probably with a deeper motive 
than appears at first sight, ordered the Scottish 
queen's removal to the Tower of London. The 
earl, however, protested so vigorously against 
this, that Her Majesty changed her mind : but, 
says de Guaras, after recounting this incident, 
'' The Queen of Scots was in great fear of such 
a change, which must imperil her, the more so 
as Killigrew ^ was leaving for Scotland, and three 

1 Spanish State Papers, Elizabeth, vol. ii., p. 490. 

2 Sir Henry Killigrew, brother-in-law of the Marquis of 
Winchester. Needless to say, his attempt to obtain possession 

250 



Lady Katherine's Last Illness 

ships were ready to accompany him; the object 
being to obtain possession of the prince (James) 
if possible, and put an end to both him and his 
mother. They would then raise to power the 
son of the Earl of Hertford, whom they would marry 
to a daughter of Leicester and the Queen of England, 
who, it is said, is kept hidden, although there are 
Bishops to witness that she is legitimate. They 
think this will shut the door to all other claimants. 
This intrigue is said to be arranged very secretly.'' ^ 
This plot, like so many others in the tortuous 
labyrinth of the succession, came to naught; and 
beyond a brief mention of the eldest son, Edward, 
in connection with his father's imprisonment 
in 1596, the sons of Lady Hertford henceforth 
disappear from the stage of history until the last 
moments of Elizabeth's complicated existence. 
When, on March 23, 1603, the great queen lay- 
on her deathbed at Richmond Palace, her once 
acute and clear mind wandering deliriously, the 
Lords of the Council begged admittance, and 
kneehng by the dying monarch, asked her whom 
she wished to succeed her on the Throne she had 
clung to so tenaciously in her active life. Her 
Majesty was suffering too much in her throat to 

of Prince James, and moreover destroy him, came to nothing, 
despite that KiUigrew was to offer heav}^ bribes to his 
guardians. These machinations were principally defeated 
by the astuteness of De Croc, the French Ambassador. 
1 British Museum, Additional MSS., 26, O 56b. 
251 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey- 
reply, so they desired her to raise one finger 
when they named the person of her choice. 
When the King of France and the King of Scot- 
land were named, she made no sign; but when 
Lady Katherine's eldest son (now Lord Beau- 
champ) was mentioned, the dying queen, rousing 
herself, exclaimed fiercely: ''I will have no rascal's 
son in my seat, but one worthy to be a King/' 

The following day the queen died, and King 
James I was proclaimed. The party that favoured 
Hertford or his sons deemed it wiser to drop the 
matter, and the union of the English and Scottish 
Thrones was effected, under '' our Second Solo- 
mon,'' without opposition. Cecil's son, forgetting 
how his father had moved heaven and earth in 
order that, first. Lady Katherine, and then, her 
children, might succeed Elizabeth, and all the 
paternal schemes and plots for King James's 
exclusion from the seat of power, became that 
monarch's most servile courtier. As to the much- 
talked-of '' sons," they very wisely left the matter 
of the succession strictly alone, and settled down 
quietly as private noblemen. They both pre- 
deceased their father, but the elder married, 
and it was in the person of his son, WilHam Sey- 
mour, Lady Katherine's grandson and the husband 
of Arabella Stuart, that the family name was 
perpetuated, and the title of Duke of Somerset 

revived. 

252 



LADY MARY GREY 



CHAPTER I 

EARLY YEARS 

The life-story of Lady Mary Grey followed 
almost precisely the same track as that of her elder 
sister, Lady Katherine, with this difference, how- 
ever, that although Mary, too, made a clandestine 
marriage, her husband was as completely her 
inferior in rank as he was her superior in girth 
and stature. She was a dwarf ; he was a giant 1 

Born in 1545, the Lady Mary was contracted 
to her kinsman, Arthur, Lord Grey de Wilton, on 
the day her sister Jane was married to Lord 
Guildford Dudley, and Katherine betrothed to 
Lord Pembroke's son. Froude is not correct 
in stating that Lady Mary was married on 
that day '' to Martin Keys, a Groom of the 
Chambers,'' a statement which proves that he 
knew nothing whatever of Lady Mary's history. 
She was then (1553) in her eighth year, and Eng- 
land was on the eve of the tragedy of which her 
eldest sister, Jane, was to be at once the heroine 
and the victim, a tragedy speedily followed by her 
mother, the Lady Frances, the widowed Duchess 
255 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

of Suffolk's indecorous marriage with her groom 
of the chambers, Adrian Stokes/ Lady Mary's 
early betrothal was, however, annulled, mainly on 
account of the terrible troubles that overwhelmed 
the Dudley family. 

All we know of Lady Mary's childhood and 
youth is an occasional mention of her name in 
the State Papers, in connection with those of her 
sisters, or in the correspondence, wills and bequests 
of her family, and in accounts of visits to royal 
and other illustrious persons, in which she accom- 
panied her parents. She is also mentioned in a 
legal document, recently discovered in the Record 
Office, as co-heiress with her sisters, of certain 
landed estates in Warwickshire belonging to their 
mother, the Lady Frances. Long after that lady's 
death, this document was submitted to Queen 
Elizabeth, who apparently desired to know the 
exact amount of her cousin's fortune. It was not 
large, but the queen none the less confiscated the 
greater part. We know nothing of what became 
of Lady Mary during the catastrophe which over- 
whelmed her sister Jane.^ We can only conclude 

^ See, for details of this marriage, the biography of Lady 
Katherine Grey. 

2 Probably the reason why Lady Jane, when she was 

despatching loving farewells to her father and Lady Katherine, 

her sister, did not send a message to Lady Mary, was that 

she deemed her too young to realize the situation. But it 

256 



Early Years 



she was either abandoned to her nurses at Sheen, 
or sheltered by some relative or friend of her 
parents. In the first months of Mary's reign, and 
after some measure of order had been restored, 
that queen, as we have seen, took compassion 
on the two sisters, Katherine and Mary Grey, 
received them at court and admitted them to 
her privy chamber. Elizabeth also befriended 
the two sisters, but far less generously. Lady 
Mary received a pension of ^80 a year from the 
queen, paid through the Lady Clinton, mistress 
of the royal household. 

In 1559, Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, died, and 
the Ladies Katherine and Mary Grey, who nursed 
her during her last sickness, attended her funeral 
in Westminster Abbey, their flowing trains " being 
upheld,'' as was then the etiquette for ladies of 
the highest rank. 

Lady Mary was in her sixteenth year, when, 
two years later (1561), Lady Katherine Grey was 
arrested for the unpardonable offence of choosing 
her husband without reference to Queen Elizabeth's 
desires. Though dwarfish in stature (she was 
only four feet in height, and the Spanish ambas- 
sador describes her as being " little, crookbacked, 

is strange that no mention of her should have been made in 
the letter to the Lady Katherine on the pages of Jane's Greek 
Testament. 

s 257 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

— deformed — and very ugly/') freckled and red- 
haired, like her sisters, Mary was a thorough 
Tudor; for she, too, not only fell in love, but 
resolved to marry the object of her passion on the 
earHest possible opportunity, and this in spite of 
the dreadful punishment that befell her sister for 
a similar misdemeanour . 

There was, in those days, an official at court 
— -the post did not fall into abeyance, indeed, 
until the middle of the seventeenth century — 
who bore the title of the '' Porter of the Royal 
Water-gates." Each of the palaces on the 
Thames possessed a river-gate and stairway, and 
as Westminster was in times gone by the most 
frequented of all the royal residences — the Tower 
being only used on occasions of extreme state, 
and very rarely at all by Queen Elizabeth — Master 
Thomas Keyes, the Sergeant-Porter at this parti- 
cular gate,^ was a personage of considerable 
importance; and even a remote connection of the 
queen's, for he was descended from the Knollys 
family, into which Katherine Carey, daughter of 
Mary Boleyn, Queen Anne's sister, had married. 
Master Thomas Keyes, therefore, was a notabihty 
of a kind, with his right to boast kinship with the 

1 The Water-gate was destroyed about 1808; it was very 
solidly built, and there was a great deal of difficulty in 
removing it. 

258 



Early Years 

great queen's nearest and dearest relatives; and 
Elizabeth, whatever may have been her faults, 
never ceased to favour her mother's tribe of 
connections, not a few of whom were in very 
humble positions indeed. When he first met Lady 
Mary Grey, Thomas was in his prime, a widower 
of some years' standing, a good deal over forty, 
and moreover the father of six or seven children. 
He was the tallest and biggest man ^ about the 
court, being six feet eight inches without his 
shoes, but so stout, we are assured, that he " did 
not look near so tall as he really was." How and 
when the Lady Mary formed this giant's ac- 
quaintance is never likely to be known, but she 
must have seen him almost daily when her royal 
mistress was in residence at Westminster, for she 
had to attend upon the queen on her various water 
excursions up and down the Thames, in those 
times the chief thoroughfare of the city, teeming 
with boats and barges of all kinds, just as the 
Strand and Piccadilly now teem with motor- 
omnibuses and motor-cars. Almost every one 
of note, and many, indeed, who were of no note 
at all, kept a boat of some sort, and found it as 
useful as we find a wheeled conveyance. So 
numerous and gorgeous were the craft floating 

1 A picture of " Queen Elizabeth's porter " at Hampton 
Court Palace probably represents Master Keyes. 
S2 259 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

upon the Thames, especially of a summer afternoon, 
that foreigners averred there was nothing in the 
whole world to compare with it, except on the 
Grand Canal at Venice. Whenever that *' imperial 
Votress, Gloriana," and her attendants moved to 
and fro between Westminster and Greenwich, 
or Richmond, or Hampton Court, the royal train 
passed down the stairs of the Water-gate to the 
queen's barge, into which sumptuous, if somewhat 
cumbrous, vessel Master Keyes, as in duty bound, 
handed Her Majesty and her ladies.^ 

Above this particular Water-gate there was a 
fair and comfortable apartment, consisting of 
several large rooms, overlooking the enchanting 
panorama of the Thames, a thousand times more 
picturesque at this epoch than at the present. 
Here Mr. Sergeant-Porter dwelt in solitary state, 
waited on by his cook and valet — for although, 
when on his trial, he himself mentioned the 
existence of his numerous progeny, no member of 

1 Amongst Keyes's duties was the adjudication of all dis- 
putes and brawls amongst the palace servants, whom his 
attendants had the power of chastising, under his orders; 
but he had other offices of a more dignified nature. The 
State Papers contain a document, signed by the queen, and 
dated January 2, 1558, in which certain noblemen and gentle- 
men are urged to levy and arm their servants, to the number 
of fifty each, for the rehef of Calais. These auxiliaries are to 
be sent to Dover, where they will be received by " Thomas 
Keyes, the Sergeant-Porter." 

260 



Early Years 

it was living with him at the period in question. 
Keyes, who seems to have been convivially dis- 
posed, was in the habit of giving what we should 
now call afternoon parties, to which he invited 
some of the young people about the court, and 
these gatherings, his own cousin, Lettice Knollys, 
one of the most beautiful young women of the day, 
and at this time greatly favoured by Queen 
Elizabeth, was wont to attend. With Lettice, we 
may rest assured, came the little Lady Mary, to 
enjoy the cool breezes that were wafted through the 
Gothic windows of Keyes's water-mansion, whilst 
she munched his marchpanes and sipped his 
dainty coloured canary. Somewhere in the apart- 
ment, probably, there was a virginal, lute, or 
mandoline, out of which one of the fair girls 
would contrive to extract melody, either to accom- 
pany a ballad, or set nimble feet a-moving in some 
lively jig or stately pavan. Be this as it may, 
certain it is, that during the summer of the year 
1565, the Lady Mary was in Keyes's apartment 
more often than was either seemly for so young a 
maiden, or prudent for one so closely connected 
with the queen. 



261 



CHAPTER II 

A STRANGE WEDDING 

On the loth (some say the 12th) of August 
1565, there were gay doings at Mr. Sergeant- 
Porter's lodgings. It was Mr. Henry Knollys's ^ 
wedding-day, and after the ceremony, which was 
graced by EUzabeth's presence, the wedding party, 
freed from the restraints of court etiquette, ad- 
journed to Keyes's apartment, and there feasted, 
danced, and romped till nine o'clock at night. 
Among the merry company were Mrs. Lettice 
Knollys and the Lady Mary Grey. One can only 
conclude Mr. Sergeant-Porter had drunk more 
wine than was good for him; otherwise he was 
surely the veriest fool that ever lived, for imme- 
diately the wedding guests had taken leave, >he and 
Lady Mary Grey were married by candle-light, 
in the presence of a certain Mrs. Goldwell, an 
attendant on Lady Howard (who acted as a 
witness of the ceremony), the Sergeant-Porter's 
brother, Mr. Edward Keyes, Mr. Martin Cawsley, a 

^ Mr. Knollys was the second son of Sir Francis Knollys 
and of Katherine Carey, Anne Boleyn's niece, and therefore 
Elizabeth's first cousin, as well as a relative of Mr. Keyes. 
262 



A Strange Wedding 



Cambridge student, and '' Mr. Cheyney's man." 
A priest, described at the subsequent inquiry as 
*' a little fat old man, who wore a very short 
gown/' was introduced upon the scene. No one 
knew his name, or seems to have cared to find it 
out. The persons present supposed he was a 
Swiss Reformer in exile, '' but he said the marriage 
service in English, and according to the Book of 
Common Prayer.'' Remembering the doubts cast 
upon the marriage of her sister Lady Katherine, 
the Lady Mary secured plenty of witnesses to 
assist at the ceremony; but it seems inconceivable, 
and seemed so even in those days, that any sane 
person should have ventured to mix themselves up 
in such a scandalous business. Of course these 
witnesses promised secrecy; and needless to say, 
every man and woman of them broke pledge. 

Within the week. Queen Elizabeth was made 
aware of the whole matter. Lady Howard of 
Effingham, and her woman, Mrs. Goldwell, were 
among the first '' to let the cat out of the bag," for 
the earliest letters on the subject of the marriage 
are two which passed between Lord WiUiam 
Howard and Secretary Cecil, the first-named 
mentioning ^ that *' the Queen's Grace hath taken 
this matter of the Lady Mary Grey's marriage very 

1 In a letter of August 19, 1565; No. 102, fol. 62, in the 
Lansdowne MSS., British Museum. 
263 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

much to heart/' Cecil, in a letter to Sir Thomas 
Smith, clerk to the privy council, dated August 
21, thus quaintly expressed his horror and 
indignation : *' Here," says he, '' is the most 
unhappy chance and a monstrous. The Sergeant- 
Porter, being the biggest gentleman at this Court, 
hath secretly married the Lady Mary Grey, the 
least of all the Court/' It must be admitted that 
Queen Elizabeth had cause for anger this time. 
The Lady Mary, her near kinswoman, a mere girl, 
secretly married to a man of barely gentle birth, 
a widower to boot, with seven children, and 
entirely dependent for his livelihood on his menial 
position in the queen's own service ! Had her 
wrath exhausted itself in legitimate upbraiding 
of her servant, and temporary banishment of her 
indiscreet cousin, there would have been very little 
to say against it; but Elizabeth had other and 
more stringent views with regard to the disposal 
of the Lady Mary and her fortune. She was 
determined, she said, with one of her usual oaths, 
to '' have no little bastard Keyes," succeeding 
to her Throne, and she was evidently resolved to 
ignore Master Keyes's distant kinship with herself, 
which was probably at the bottom of his audacious 
conduct, for he felt convinced that in consideration 
of this connection his august cousin would even- 
tually pardon him. It was not to be; forthwith, 
264 



A Strange Wedding 



like an eagle on its prey, Elizabeth swooped 
down on the luckless pair. On August 22, not 
a fortnight after the marriage, Master Sergeant- 
Porter Keyes was consigned to the tender mercies 
of the warden of the Fleet Prison. All the 
witnesses, including the loquacious Mrs. Goldwell, 
were arrested, and the wretched little bride herself 
made over to the fearsome functionary known as 
*' The Mother of the Maids,"' whose duty was to 
look after the more ill-conducted of the '' Virgin 
Queen's '' juvenile attendants, and even, when 
necessary, to birch them soundly. Whether Lady 
Mary suffered under Mother AnselFs rod we know 
not; but from the 19th to the 22nd of August, 
she was rigorously and continuously cross-ex- 
amined by the privy council as to the facts about 
her marriage and the state of her fortune. Where 
she remained during these inquiries is not clear; 
Guzman de Silva, the Spanish ambassador, speak- 
ing of the matter in a letter from London, says 
" he [Keyes] is imprisoned in the jail here and she 
[Mary] is incarcerated at Windsor/' It is known 
that the queen and the court were at that 
castle about this time ; and it is not unlikely that 
the Spaniard's statement is correct; indeed it 
would seem to be confirmed by a command issued 
by Elizabeth to William Hawtrey, Esquire, of 

Buckinghamshire, that ''he do forthwith repair 
265 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

to Court, and take into his charge and custody the 
Lady Mary Grey, and convey her forthwith to his 
house, ' The Chequers,' without permitting her to 
hold conference with any one, or to have Hberty 
to go abroad, suffering only one waiting-woman 
to have access to her. For Mr. Hawtrey's 
charges and expenses concerning the said Lady 
Mary, the Queen's Majesty will see him satisfied 
in reason.'' 

The following is Lady Mary's own account of the 
marriage, as elicited during the above-mentioned 
examination. Copies of her statement will be 
found in the Record Office (State Papers, Domestic 
Series, Elizabeth, vol. xxxvii.. No. 71), together with 
other documents relating to the marriage of Lady 
Mary Grey with Mr. Keyes. The first paper, 
written in Cecil's very clear hand, contains a list 
of questions put to the Lady Mary; and the 
second, in a secretary's exceedingly illegible scrawl, 
gives her answers, more or less in her own words. 
Asked when the marriage took place. Lady Mary 
answered : 

*' The day of the marriage of Mr. Knollys — I was 
married about nine o'clock at night by candle- 
light." 

"Where? " 

'' In the Sergeant-Porter's chamber." 

'' Who were present ? " 
266 



A Strange Wedding 



'' The Sergeant's brother, the Sergeant's son, a 
gentlewoman, Mrs. Goldwell, and the priest, 
apparelled in a short gown." She never knew 
his name. 

'' What was he like ? " 

** He was old and fat, and of low stature." 

'' Did the Sergeant-Porter give you anything ? " 

" Yes, a ring." 

Continuing, she said she supped in her own 
chamber with Mrs. Arundell and two of Lady 
Stafford's young daughters. Within a quarter 
of an hour after supper, she went to the privy- 
chamber with Mrs. Goldwell, and from thence to 
the council chamber — probably the most deserted 
part of the palace at that time of night — where she 
found Jones, his [Keyes's] man, and sent him to 
the Sergeant to show him that her letter was 
ready. ^ On this, Keyes came up to the council 
chamber and thence they all went to his room over 
the Water-gate, where the marriage ceremony 
took place. Afterwards she returned to her own 
chamber, where she found Mrs. Arundell. The 
Sergeant gave her first two little rings, next a ring 
with four rubies, and a diamond and a chain, and a 
little hanging bottle of mother-of-pearl. Asked 
what her means were, the Lady Mary answered 
that she had £^o a year, paid out of the exchequer 

^ This is obscure; we do not know to what letter she alludes. 
267 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

by the hands of my Lady Qinton, and £20 
a year of her own, paid by the hand of one 
Artell.i 

** Keyes, Sergeant-Porter/' was examined on 
August 19 : he said the priest was one Thomas 
Withers. ** Edward Keyes, Mr. Cheyney's man, 
and Martin Cawsley, dwelhng in Cambridge, did 
attend the wedding. 

'' The marriage was in the Sergeant's chamber 
by the Water-gate at Westminster. 

" The Lady Mary, being in the Council Chamber, 
sent him word by a messenger that her letter was 
ready. On this he came then and found her with 
one Mrs. Goldwell, a servant of the Lady Howard. 
He brought her to his chamber. 

*' He gave the Lady Mary at the marriage a 
little wedding-ring. 

'* The marriage was by candle-light. 

'' Mrs. Arundell was at the Water-gate, but 
was not let in before the marriage was over. 
The Sergeant had carried up the Lady Mary to his 
chamber before Mrs. Arundell came in.'' 

Then we have the examination of Frances 

1 This sum was derived from the estates of Ferrars-Groby 
and Bonville, of which, since they descended to the female 
heirs, she should have been co-heiress with her sister Katherine, 
had not Ehzabeth, without the slightest justification (these 
lands did not come under the head of the Duke of Suffolk's 
confiscated property), annexed the greater part of their 
income. 

268 



A Strange Wedding 



Gold well. ^ " She sayeth that one Robert Leonard, 
a servant of the L. Chamberlens, came from 
my Lady Mary, ' to her coming from the cellar ' 
to ask her to come to her, and so she did finding 
her in a chamber next the Counsell Chamber, 
which was somewhat dark. Lady Mary told her 
that she must go with her to her own chamber, 
but instead she went by the gallery by the L. 
Chamberlain's chamber, down by the winding stair, 
and so to a chamber which she knew not [this was 
evidently the room over the Water-gate], and there 
was eleven other people with the Sergeant Porter, 
one of them being in a black cloke read from a 
book, but what about she knoweth not. And 
they tarried not there past an quarter of an 
hower. 

'' She sayeth, moreover, the Sergeant Porter 
came with her as she remembered into the gallery 
before them and no further. 

'* The Lady Mary willed her to say that if she 
should be asked where she had been, she should 
say she had been with her in her chamber. She 
sayeth at her return to the Counsell Chamber that 
Lady Mary willed her to return to my Lady 
Howard's chamber, but whither the Lady Mary 
herself went she knoweth not, unless it were into 

1 State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xxxvii., No. ii. 
Under date of August 20, 1565. 
269 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

the Privy Chamber/' [She probably returned to 
Keyes's room.] 

As may be well imagined, the sagacious Mrs. 
Goldwell's master and mistress, the Lord and 
Lady William Howard, were in a desperate state 
of mind when they discovered the nature of the 
business in which their '' gentlewoman " had 
meddled. They therefore immediately addressed 
the following letter to Cecil : — ^ 

'' Mr. Secretary, 

'' This dale being the xxth of this present, 
I receaved your letter of the xixth whereby I 
understand of a very fond and lewde [i. e. ' silly 
and ill-advised '] matter fallen out betwixt my 
Lady Mary and the Sergeante-Porter, mencionyng 
a marriage to be made between them that daye, in 
the evening that my Cousyn Knowles was married. 
I am not a little sory to here of hit, bothe for their 
sakes and moche more, that the Queues Ma*^ 
shuld have such occasion to troble her. And to 
you I write playnely. It greveth me to see (and 
hathe of longe tyme don) that men be in so little 
feare of the Prince [ss], that they dare think to 
enterprise so great a matter I dowt not hit wil be 
so ponished, as hit male give suche a terror to all 
her Ma^"' subjectes, that they maie ever hereafter 

1 State Papers, Domestic, Elizabeth, vol. xxxvii., No. 13. 
270 



A Strange Wedding 



beware howe to enter in any kinde of matter that 
maye in any case stounde against their bounde[n] 
dutye of allegiance. And where you signifie to 
me in your letter, that the Queues Ma^^' pleasure 
is, that I shoulde examine Ffrances my wyffes 
woman touching her knowledge in this matter : 
I have so don, and have sent you her confession 
hereinclosed, which is to small effect, and also the 
woman whom I thinke you shall find very symple, 
as one that hath ben allwaies brought upe in the 
countrey and of little knowledge, but synce she 
cam to my wief (being put to her by my Lady 
Mary) (and daughter as I here [hear] to my Ladie 
Maries Nurse) hath used her honestly and soberly, 
as my wief hath liked her for the tyme very well. 
And thus I bid you hartely farewell ffrom my house 
at Rigate the xxth of Auguste 1565. 

'' Yo' most assured loving friend, 
'' W. Howard.'' 
[Addressed) 

'' To my loving friend Sir William Cycell, 
Knight." 

The enclosure runs as follows : — 

'' The Confesyon of francys Goodwell before me. 

'' The L. Wyllyam Howard the xxth of August. 

'' She being examyned of me wher she was all 

that day that my wyfe wayted on the Quenys 

Ma'^' at the maryage of Mayster Knollys she 
271 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

sayeth she was in my chamber at the Court with 
her felowes tyll the evenyng after supper wher 
was also another gentyll woman callyd mystres 
Hewdney, who my wyfe dyd newly put out of 
her sarvyce, and they beyng mynded to walke owt 
my Lady Mary sent for Ffrancys to wayte on her 
to her chamber and she accordyng to her com- 
mandement dyd so, and when she came thyther 
my Lady Mary entered in to the Chamber and 
franncys with her and she sayeth as sone as she was 
within the doure stood still and there she saw the 
Sergeant Porter whom she sayeth she knew not 
with iij other in blacke clokys and ther talkyd 
together and (a) lyttyll whyll and then my Lady 
Mary came out agayne bot for any maryage that 
was mayd ther to her knowledge she denythe it 
to the dethe but what they sayd she knowythe 
not nor she knowythe not any of them that was 
ther with hym (more than thys I can not by any 
meanys gete of her) . 

''After the wrytyng of this muche she sayd 
further to me that they dyd together as she cowled 
[could] perseve open a boke bot she hard [heard] 
not the wordys for they spake softly. 

''W. Howard."! 

On September i, the Lady Mary was removed 

1 State Papers, Elizabeth, Domestic Series, vol. xxxvii., 
No. 13, 1. 

272 



A Strange Wedding 



to her place of exile, Mr. William Hawtrey's 
mansion, *' The Chequers,'' even then a very old 
house, in a beautiful situation among the Chiltern 
Hills. She was accompanied by the aforesaid 
Mr. William Hawtrey, his serving-man, and one 
of her own maids, the procession being closed by 
some pack-horses. Magnificent as was Mr. Haw- 
trey's garden at '' The Chequers," and beautiful 
the surrounding country, it does not seem to have 
in the least impressed Lady Mary Grey, whose only 
thought was to regain her freedom. She wrote 
to Cecil towards the end of the year 1565, in the 
following rather pathetic terms : ''I did trust 
to have wholly obtained Her Majesty's favour 
before this time, the which having once obtained 
I trust never to lose again. But now I perceive 
that I am so unhappe a creature, as I must yet be 
without that great and long-desired jewel till it 
please God to put into Her Majesty's harte to 
forgive and pardon me my great and heinous 
crime." It seems that Mr. Hawtrey cheerfully 
joined in the chorus of appeals, for he was con- 
siderably bored by his aggrieved and unwilling 
guest, and earnestly wished to be rid of her. Lady 
Mary was persuaded that she might appease the 
queen's wrath, if she could but have an interview 
with her, and when Elizabeth was paying a visit 

to Lord Windsor at Bradenham, not far distant 
T 273 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

from the little captive's abode, she again wrote to 
Cecil, begging that she, '' The Queen's prisoner and 
most poore wretche, might have access to Her 
Majesty's Grace, for the purpose of pleading for 
herself in person." Elizabeth, to use an everyday 
expression, was not going to be bothered with her, 
whilst Cecil was more interested in her sister 
Lady Katherine than in '' the most poore wretche," 
who was therefore refused her much desired boon. 
The Lady Mary Grey remained at her retreat 
in the Chilterns more than a year. At last, how- 
ever, Mr. Hawtrey, to his great relief, received 
orders to bring his prisoner up to London. It had 
been at first intended to consign her to the tender 
mercies of the Duchess of Somerset, but that lady 
dying before the negotiations were completed, 
Mary was handed over to her step-grandmother, 
Katherine, dowager Duchess of Suffolk. This 
inhospitable relation was anything but pleased 
when, one summer's evening in 1567, Mr. Hawtrey, 
the Lady Mary, and her servants, knocked unex- 
pectedly at the doors of her house in the Minories. 
The duchess, it may be added, had no right 
whatever to this mansion, which had been carved 
out of the stately convent of the Holy Trinity, 
which was granted by Edward VI to the Duke 
of Suffolk, whose legitimate successor, failing 

Lady Katherine Grey, was the unfortunate young 

274 



A Strange Wedding 



lady now conducted to its door as to a sort of 
prison. 

The duchess received her unwelcome guest with 
'* dure countenance/' but attributed her annoy- 
ance to the score of her unpreparedness, for a few 
days later she wrote to Cecil asking him, '' Where 
is the Lady Mary's stuff ? For that, indeed, I 
have nothing w^herewith to furnish or dress up 
her chamber, as the Minories is totally unfurnished. 
I do not usually reside there. My dwelling is 
in Leicestershire ; and when I am in town I myself 
borrow stuff of the Lady Eleanore." If she had 
to receive Lady Mary, she protested, she would be 
'' forced to borrow furniture from her neighbours 
of the Tower." Probably Cecil communicated 
the duchess's grievance to Mr. Hawtrey, for by 
way of answer to her letter, he sent all the Lady 
Mary's goods in his possession to the Minories, at 
the same time pointing out that they had not 
hitherto been used; he seems, at least, to have 
provided his charge with a comfortable lodging 
during her stay at '' The Chequers." No sooner 
was the parcel of '' stuff " opened, than the 
sarcastic dowager duchess wrote a letter to '' Mr. 
Sekrettory " Cecil, describing the contents in a 
manner which reflects less credit on her heart than 
on her powers of derision. '' She hath nothing," 

she says, '' but an old Hvery feather bed, all to [too] 
T2 275 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

torn and full of patches, without either bolster or 
counterpaine, but two old pillows, one longer than 
the other, an old quilt of silk, so tattered as the 
cotton of it comes out, such a piteous little canopy 
of red sarcenet as is scant good enough to cover 
some secret stool.^ Then there are two little 
pieces of old hangings, both of them not seven 
yards broad." This letter was written at Green- 
wich Palace,^ whither the Lady Mary had been 
removed by her step-grandmother very shortly 
after her arrival in London, perhaps the very same 
day; and the real object of this exposure of the 
Lady Mary's poverty was to induce Cecil to 
persuade the queen to assign the duchess some 
of the furniture in the Tower store-houses; for 
she concludes by asking that Mary may be allowed 
to have some '' silver pots to fetch her drink in, 
and two little cups for her to drink out of, one for 
her beer, the other for her wine. A silver basin 
and ewer were, I fear, too much to ask.'' The 
dowager duchess promises to return all borrowed 
articles in as good condition as she received them. 

1 The fact that, as it would appear, Lady Mary had at 
some time or other used this identical piece of cloth as a 
cloth of state, to demonstrate her relationship to royalty, 
probably caused the dowager duchess to speak so disrespect- 
fully of it. 

2 Queen Elizabeth was not then at Greenwich, being absent 
on one of her annual " progresses." 

276 



A Strange Wedding 



She says the Lady Mary is '' very glad to be with 
her " (!) ; although '' all she hath eaten now these 
two days is not so much as a chicken's leg/' Very 
likely, the duchess's sarcasms and her own 
grievances were making the poor little lady abso- 
lutely ill. However, these first difficulties having 
been surmounted, she lived on fairly happily with 
her kinswoman at the Minories and elsewhere, 
until June 1569. During this period she became 
godmother to a little girl, Jane Merrick, who 
eventually inherited some of her property. She 
also struck up a great friendship with Lady Mary 
Bertie or Bartie, wife of Mr. Peregrine Bertie, 
Duchess Katherine's son, and heir to the barony of 
Willoughby d'Eresby : Lady Mary Bertie was of 
the family of De Vere, a daughter of the Earl 
of Oxford. In the beginning of the year 1568, 
Lady Mary Grey's position was complicated by the 
death of her sister Lady Katherine, which exposed 
her to the danger of being chosen the figure-head 
of any party that professed belief in the legitimacy 
of Henry VIII's will and Edward VFs '' Devise 
for the Succession." There is reason to believe 
that Mary, warned by her sister's fate, had made 
up her mind formally to renounce her right to the 
Throne, lest unscrupulous persons might force her, 
as they had forced her sister Jane, into this false 

position. Elizabeth, however, harried by her 
277 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

continual fear of an usurper or even of a successor, 
gave orders, in June 1569, that Mary Gre.y should 
be removed to the care of Sir Thomas Gresham, 
whose magnificent mansion occupied the space 
between Bishopsgate Street and Winchester Street, 
and was surrounded by the pleasant gardens 
of Crosby Hall and Winchester House. The 
Greshams used Osterley House, towards Hounslow, 
now the seat of the Earl of Jersey, as a country 
retreat; and also lived for a time at Mayfield in 
Sussex. 

Meanwhile, Mr. Keyes was enduring a good deal 
of hardship in the Fleet, the foulest of the many 
foul prisons of those days. His grievances and 
annoyances were many and peculiar. He was 
apparently engaged in some suit, unconnected 
with his marriage, and his lawyers were allowed to 
visit him in the Fleet and talk to him in the 
presence of the warden. Moreover, there was 
some project for his being sent to Ireland, though 
whether as a prisoner we know not. There exists, 
however, a letter from Keyes, dated ** Fleet 
Prison, July 16, 1566,'' in which the imprisoned 
Sergeant-Porter begs Cecil to '* give him instruc- 
tions how to act, as to his going into Ireland.'' 
The wording of this suggests that he was to have 
held some official position there. The scheme 

apparently came to nothing, for on July 25 of the 

278 




{To face p. 278 



SIR THOMAS GRESHAM 
{From a contemporary engraving) 



A Strange Wedding 



same year, he prepared a petition to the effect that 

he would renounce his wife and have his marriage 

declared null and void, if only he might be allowed 

to leave the Fleet and retire into Kent, urging 

that, after all, *' he had formerly done the Crown 

good service in suppressing insurrections" — a 

reference, no doubt, to some share he must have 

had in the defeat of the Wyatt rebellion. Dr. 

Grindal, then Bishop of London, refused, however, 

to annul the marriage, and referred the matter 

to the Court of Arches, which, so far as can be 

ascertained, also refused — at any rate Keyes was 

asking leave to cohabit with Lady Mary as late 

as in 1570. But his lordship's Christian charity 

permitted him to suggest that the bulky captive 

might well be allowed to go into the country to 

take some open-air exercise, ** for his bulk of body 

being such as I know it to be, his confinement in 

the Fleet putteth him to great inconvenience." 

This suggestion was accepted, and for a few 

months Keyes was allowed to walk in the garden 

attached to the Fleet Prison; but a new warden 

was appointed in December 1566, and this slight 

solace was taken away; and further, instead of 

being allowed, as hitherto, to cook his own food, 

the ex-Sergeant-Porter was compelled to live on 

the horrible diet provided by the prison authorities. 

In this same December he complains to Cecil 
279 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

that '' he had been given a piece of beef which 
had been dropped into some poison, prepared for 
a dog that had the mange ! '' 

It did not kill him, if indeed that had been 
intended, but he fell so ill as to require the atten- 
tions of a certain Dr. Langford, who charged him a 
mark [i. e. 6s. 8d.] for his services. The prisoner 
lived on ; to send another letter to Cecil, complain- 
ing that '' they have taken away from me my 
stone-bowe wherewith I was wont to shoot at 
birds out of my prison- window, for the refreshment 
of myself sometimes ; but even this little solace is 
denied me.'' Probably the neighbours objected 
as much as the birds ! 

At last, when unkind wardens, poisonous food, 
and lack of fresh air had thrown the unfortunate 
Sergeant-Porter into a '' languor,'' he was rele- 
gated, in accordance with Dr. Grindal's suggestion, 
to his native place, Lewisham, then a remote 
village, now a large town within half-an-hour's 
journey of London — ^it probably took Mr: Keyes 
some hours' hard riding to reach it on horseback. 
Thence he continued to appeal for the queen's 
pardon, '' if only for the sake of my poor children, 
who innocent as they are, suffer punishment with 
me for my offence.^ If it were Her Majesty's and 

1 It is impossible to say whether this is a mere figure of 
speech, or if his family was actually imprisoned with him. 
280 



A Strange Wedding 



your honour's [Cecirs] pleasure to fetter me with 
iron gyves, I could willingly endure it; but to 
bear the cruelty of this warden of the Fleet, 
without cause, is no small grief to my heart/' 
Evidently memories of the stern official haunted 
the poor fellow in his rural retreat. From Lewis- 
ham, Mr. Keyes went to Sandgate Castle on the 
Kentish coast. Thence, in May 1570, he addressed 
a letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury, beseech- 
ing his grace to intercede for him with the queen, 
'' that according to the laws of God I may be 
permitted to live with my wife." This is rather 
a change of feeling from the time, four years pre- 
viously, when he expressed his willingness to 
have his conjugal fetters snapped, if only he might 
retire to Kent ! The archbishop did not grant 
this prayer; and Mr. Thomas Keyes died — prob- 
ably in September 157 1, and very likely at 
Sandgate : his burial register is lost, and there 
is no proof that he returned to Lewisham — worn 
out by his manifold troubles and by the effect of 
his unhealthy existence in the Fleet Prison. 



281 



CHAPTER III 

THE LAST YEARS OF LADY MARY 

Lady Mary Grey's life with the Greshams 
was more uncomfortable by several degrees than it 
had been with the dowager duchess. Sir Thomas 
seems to have disliked her heartily, and his wife, 
Lady Gresham — who, by the way, had been a 
milliner, and who still, notwithstanding her hus- 
band's wealth, occasionally made caps for Queen 
Elizabeth— called the poor little woman the '' heart 
sorrow of her life/' The couple therefore strained 
every nerve to get their unwelcome guest removed. 
Letter after letter did Gresham send to Cecil and 
to Leicester, not complaining of any particular 
ill-conduct on Lady Mary's part, but merely putting 
forward reasons for her departure. First, his 
wife wants to ride into Norfolk to see her old 
mother, and the Lady Mary is some sort of 
hindrance to her journey; then, one of his servants 
at Osterley has the plague and they want to get into 
the country. In all these compositions the writer 
reckons up, to a day, the time Lady Mary has been 

in his house, to his wife's '* bondiage and harte 

282 



The Last Years of Lady Mary 

sorrow/' Sometimes he even offers to pay well 

for her removal; but the powers that were, gave 

no heed to these agonized complaints and appeals. 

Hence Lady Mary was still at Gresham House 

when, early in September 1571, Dr. Smythe, her 

doctor, came to inform Sir Thomas that the 

obnoxious ex-Sergeant-Porter had passed out of 

the reach of '* this warden of the Fleet '' for all 

eternity. The poor little widow w^as deeply 

distressed; ''his death she grievously taketh," 

wrote her host-jailer to Cecil; '' she hath requested 

me to write to you to be a mean to the Queen's 

Majesty to be good to her, and that she may have 

Her Majesty's leave to keep and bring up his poor 

children." This care for her step-children is a 

pleasant side-light on Lady Mary's kindness of 

heart. " As likewise," continues Sir Thomas, 

''I desire to know Her Majesty's pleasure, whether 

I shall suffer her to wear any black mourning 

apparel or not." Then he recurs to his old bone 

of contention : " Trusting that now I shall be 

presently [soon] despatched of her by your good 

means." Shortly after this, Mary, having retired 

to Osterley Park, wrote to Cecil that " as God had 

taken avv^ay the cause of Her Majesty's displeasure 

[i. e. Mr. Keyes] she begged to be restored to her 

favour." This letter was signed " Mary Keyes," 

which apparently gave offence, for the next letter 
283 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

was from plain " Mary Grey/' and she never re- 
peated the obnoxious appellation of Keyes. Still 
she was not removed, and still the Greshams 
importuned : at length, after a final appeal (for 
" the quietness of my poor wife "), Sir Thomas rode 
up to London to make a personal request. Mary 
would seem to have been as anxious to leave her 
unwilling host and hostess, as they were to get rid 
of her, and greatly desired to take up her residence 
with her step-father, Adrian Stokes, Esq., then liv- 
ing in the Charterhouse at Sheen, who had kindly 
offered to receive her. But Sir Thomas's personal 
efforts were not crowned with success, and the 
young widow had to spend the winter of 1571-72 
with her inhospitable hosts at May field in Sussex, 
where they had a country seat. 

In March 1572, a letter from Sir Thomas Gresham 
to Cecil, then Lord Burleigh — or as he calls him 
** Lord Bowerly " — indicates that his oft-expressed 
desire for the removal of his charge was now 
nearing accomplishment, and he proceeds to 
clinch the matter by an offer which is nothing 
less than bare-faced bribery. *' And whereas/' 
says he, ''I have allowed my lord of Oxford 
[Cecil's son-in-law] for his money but after the 
rate of ten per centum, I shall [now] be content 
to allow him after twelve per centum with any 

other service I can do for him or you." This 
284 



The Last Years of Lady Mary- 
offer of increased interest was too good to be 
neglected, and before June of the same year, Mary 
was free to go where she would — liberty had come 
at last. In a pathetic letter dated May 24, 1572, 
the released prisoner describes herself as '' destitute 
of all friends — only God and Her Majesty," and 
only possessing ^80 allowed her by the queen, and 
^^20 per annum of her own. Her '' father-in-law '' 
— meaning of course Adrian Stokes, her step-father 
— will give her nothing, for he has married again. 
She had expectations which would slightly better 
her actual income : by a reversion of the dowager 
Duchess of Suffolk she was to receive .^333 6s. 8d. 
and the same sum at the death of Adrian Stokes.^ 
By the summer of this year (1572), Lady Mar}^ was 
settled with her step-father in the Charterhouse; 
and Sir Thomas Gresham wrote to express his 
heartfelt thanks to Cecil for his '' delivery [i. e. 
deliverance] from the Lady Mary." 

After this, Master Keyes's widow seems to have 
dwelt in peace till the end of her days. She 
addressed no further complaints to Cecil, and her 
will proves that her financial position was a fairly 
good one. Her name figures no more in the State 
Papers : she seems to have dropped completely 

^ As Mr. Stokes did not die until November 30, 1586, 
Lady Mary, who predeceased him, never received this 
legacy. 

285 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

out of sight and out of mind. We know, however, 
that she eventually either returned to the dowager 
duchess at the Minories, or occupied that lady's 
house in the Barbican; ^ and that on New Year's 
Day 1577 she presented the queen, then at 
Hampton Court, with '' four dozen buttons of 
gold, in each of them a seed pearl, and two pairs 
of sweet [i. e. perfumed] gloves," a gift acknow- 
ledged by Elizabeth, who gave her kinswoman a 
silver cup and cover, weighing eighteen ounces : 
apparently Mary occasionally went to court, and 
enjoyed the royal favour, at least to some extent. 
An entry in the royal household books for 
1576 states that Lady Mary Grey stood suffi- 
ciently well in the queen's graces to be at Hampton 
Court during the great revels held there at Christ- 
mas time. The list of guests who presented gifts 
to Her Majesty opens with the names of her two 
cousins, the Lady Margaret Lennox and the Lady 
Mary Grey. The latter presented a gold cup ; 
Leicester, a carcanet glittering with diamonds, 
emeralds and rubies ; Burleigh, a purse of ^30 ; and 
the Lady Derby, '' a gown of satin broidered with 
peacocks' feathers in silk." Even the humblest 
servant gave some trifle to the greedy queen, who 

'^ At the time of her death in 1578, at all events, she was 
living in a house of her own, for she disposes of it without 
mention of any other claim upon it. This house was evidently 
somewhere near Aldersgate Street. 
286 



The Last Years of Lady Mary 

by this means generally obtained something like 
^10,000 per annum, as voluntary contributions — 
we will not vouch much, however, for the sincerity 
of the '' voluntary/' The queen's gifts generally 
amounted to less than ^2000, and, with the excep- 
tion of those given to members of the royal 
family, were the merest trifles in silver. She was, 
however, fairly generous, as a rule, to the poorer 
menials, giving them warm clothing and blankets. 

Lady Mary died, of what complaint we do not 
know, on April 20, 1578, aged thirty-three, her 
death being hastened, no doubt, by her griefs 
and miseries. She may have been buried at St. 
Botolph's-without-Aldersgate, but some authorities 
think otherwise, and even state that her place of 
burial is Bradgate Church. In Stowe's Survey 
occurs an entry to the effect that the Lady Mary 
Grey shares her mother's tomb in Westminster 
Abbey. 

Lady Mary's will is not only a fine specimen 

of sixteenth-century orthography, but proves that 

she possessed more property than is generally 

supposed. The document (which is in the Lans- 

downe MSS. at the British Museum, xxvii. 31) 

begins : ''In the name of God Amen. The xvij 

daye of Aprill in the yeare of our lord god 1578. 

And in the xxth yeare of the Raigne of our 

Soveraigne Lady Elizabethe." Lady Mary Grey 
287 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

describes herself as ''of the p'ishe of St. Botolphe 
w'^out Aldersgate," a '' widowe of whoU minde 
and of good and perfect remambraunce laude and 
praise be unto Almightie God/' She commits her 
'' soull " to the care of its Maker, trusting in 
salvation through Christ '' without any other 
waies or meanes/' Her body is ''to be buried 
where the Quens Ma' tie should think most meete 
and convenient/' This seems to suggest that 
she was still under royal supervision. To the 
dowager Duchess of Suffolk, her step-grandmother, 
she bequeathes " one paere of hand Bracelettes of 
gould with a jacinte stonne in eatche Bracelette wh 
Bracelettes were my ladie grace my late mothers 
or els my Juell of unycornes home wchsoever herr 
grace refusathe I geave and bequeathe to my verie 
good ladie ye lady Susanne Countesse of Kente." ^ 
It is curious that she should " geave to my verie 
frend Mrs. Blaunche a Parr a little gilt bo wile 
w^^ a cover to it." ^ It was possibly thanks to 
Blanche Parry that Lady Mary obtained some 
measure of favour and liberty in her last years. 
She leaves to the " Fair Geraldine,'' now Countess 
of Lincoln, a girdle of goldsmith's work and some 

1 This lady, a daughter of Katherine, dowager Duchess of 
Suffolk, by Mr. Bertie, married Reginald Grey, Earl of Kent. 

2 This is the same lady who is mentioned in the biography 
of Lady Katherine Grey as a palmist and great favourite of 
Queen Elizabeth. 

288 



The Last Years of Lady Mary 

gold buttons. To Lady Mary Bertie — she spells 
it '* Bartye/' even as it is still pronounced — and 
to her husband, Mr. Bertie, she leaves her best gilt 
cup and the best silver and gilt salt-cellar. She 
bequeathes to Mary, Lady Stafford, a *' tablet of 
gould with an aggett in it "; and to Anne, Lady 
Arundel, a " tankarde of sylver." To a certain 
Lady Margaret Nevill, she leaves a number of 
gowns of velvet and satin; to Lady Throck- 
morton, a " boulle " of silver, with a cover; to her 
god-daughter, Jane Merrick, she leaves '' one 
good fethered bedde and a boulstere to the same 
and the three peres of hangings which I have of 
myne owne and a cowple of covered stoolles.'' 
Were these the identical objects that had excited 
the dowager duchess's scorn ? Lady Mary next 
disposes of the lease of '' my house wherein I 
now dwell," which she wishes to be sold, the 
purchase money being assigned to '' Marrie Merrick 
my goddaughter " in trust of Edmund '* Haull my 
cowsen." This plainly indicates that at the time 
of her death she was in a house of her own, and not 
at the Duchess of Suffolk's ; and the will also proves 
her to have been rich enough to keep her coach. 
Mary Merrick must have been a sister of the 
testator's godchild, Jane Merrick, since she is 
expressly stated to have been not yet twenty-one 

years of age. After various bequests to divers 
u 289 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

persons, she leaves to Anne Goldwell, evidently 

the witness of her unhappy wedding, '' half a 

dozen silver spoones and twoe trenchers plattes 

of silver/' " Henrie Gouldwell,'' very likely that 

lady's husband, receives " my baie coatche 

geldings/' The residue '' of all my goods and 

catteles [chattels] both moveable and immoveable," 

are to be applied to the payment of her debts. 

Finally, Mr. Edmund Hair and Mr. Thomas 

Duport — the latter her cousin by marriage — are 

appointed executors. 

There is no authentic portrait of this poor little 

princess extant; she was possibly never in a 

position to have one taken. Nor do we know much 

of her personal appearance or character. There 

is no evidence of her having been accomplished 

in any particular way; still, Gresham, even at the 

height of his desire to be rid of her, brings against 

her no accusation of bad temper or undue 

haughtiness. Most likely she was merely peevish 

and melancholy, which is not surprising when we 

remember that she was separated from her 

husband of a week, and deprived of her freedom. 

Her very dismal library, which she possessed to 

the time of her death and had carted about with 

1 This gentleman married Anne Willoughby, who was a 
cousin of Katherine, dowager Duchess of Suffolk, so that he 
was really in a sense a " cowsine " or cousin of Lady Mary 
Grey and her sisters. 

290 



The Last Years of Lady Mary 

her wherever she went,^ suggests that she was 
acquainted with French and Itahan, and greatly 
interested in rehgious matters, being a strong 
Protestant. Her hbrary includes Palgrave's 
French Dictionary and Grammar, and an Italian 
Commentary on the Scriptures, as well as the 
following works of sombre old-world philosophy 
and theology : Mr. Knox, His Answer to the 
Adversary of God's Predestination ; Mr. Knew- 
stuhhes Readings ; The Ship of Assured Safety, 
by Dr. Cradocke ; Mr. Cartwright's First and 
Second Reply, The Second Course of the Hunter 
and of the Romish Fox ; Godly Mr. Whitgift's 
Answer ; Mr. Bearing's Reply ; Dr. Fulkes 
Answer to the Popish Demands ; Dr. Fulkes' 
Answer to Allen touching Purgatory ; The First 
Admonition to the Parliament ; The Image of 
God, by Hutchinson ; The Duty of Persever- 
ance ; The Edict of Pacification ; The Book of 
Martyrs, in two volumes; Latimer's Sermons 
on the Four Evangelists ; A Treatise of the Deeds 
of the True Successors of Christ ; The Life of the 
Countie Baltazer Castiglione, and A Treatise of 
the Resurrection of the Dead ; also three editions 
of the Bible — the Geneva Translation, the 

^ The inventory of Lady Mary's books is still extant 
among the State Papers (Charterhouse MSS.). It is dated 
June I, 1578. 

U2 291 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

Bishops' and the French — and a Common Prayer 
Book! 

Poor little woman ! When Gresham literally 
turned her out of his house, with one man and 
a cartload of her belongings, her sacred library 
was amongst her greatest treasures. '' She hath 
taken all her bookes and rubbish," writes the great 
man to the greater Cecil; but provided he and 
his wife were rid of Lady Mary, they did not much 
care where she and her '' bookes and rubbish " 
went. 



292 



LADY ELEANOR BRANDON, AND 
HER HEIRS 

The reader may be interested to know something 
of the story of the Lad}^ Eleanor, Countess of 
Cumberland, younger sister of the Lady Frances 
Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, and another of the 
many claimants to Elizabeth's succession, whose 
name has been frequently mentioned in these 
pages. 

The queen-duchess, Mary Tudor, it will be 
remembered, had only two daughters who survived 
her, the Ladies Frances and Eleanor, by her 
second husband, Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. 
Many considered the Lady Eleanor's claim to 
the Throne superior to that of her elder sister, 
because at the time of her birth. Lady Mortimer, 
Suffolk's second wife,^ was dead; whereas she 
was still living, and clamouring for her rights, when 
the Lady Frances came into this world. Henry 
VHTs will, however, mentioned the Lady Frances 
and her children, for he had long since refused to 

^ See the biography of Charles Brandon in this volume, for 
fuller particulars of Lady Mortimer. 
293 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

question the validity of his sister's marriage with 
Charles Brandon, or in any way to recognize the 
position of the Lady Mortimer, who, it should be 
remembered, remarried with a certain Mr. Hall- 
according to Dugdale — and thus placed herself out 
of court. 

The Lady Eleanor Brandon was a better-looking 
woman than her sister Frances. When her tomb 
in Skipton Church was disturbed, in the seven- 
teenth century, her skeleton, which was in perfect 
condition, proved her to have been *' very tall 
and large boned," whereas the Lady Frances was 
of medium stature. Lady Eleanor, if we may 
judge by her portrait, which hangs at Skipton 
Castle, was pretty, rather than beautiful. The 
writer confesses that the portrait at Skipton did 
not impress him as that of one who could have put 
forward the slightest pretensions to good looks; 
the cheeks are high, the forehead abnormally 
broad, the eyes, however, are fine, and the hair, 
fair; but the complexion, according to this 
venerable picture, must have been quite ghastly. 
The portrait is very badly painted — a poor thing, 
worth little as a work of art, but none the less 
interesting. 

On the same day that her sister Lady Frances 
married Henry Grey, Marquis of Dorset, in 
March 1533, occurred the betrothal of the Lady 
294 



Lady Eleanor Brandon, and Her Heirs 

Eleanor to Lord Henry Clifford, the eldest son 
of the Earl of Cumberland, who was remotely 
related to Henry VHI; his grandmother, Anne 
St. John of Bletsoe, being cousin once removed 
to Margaret, Countess of Richmond, the king's 
grandmother. The marriage took place in the 
summer of 1537 at Suffolk Place, probably in the 
Church of St. Mary Overies — now incorporated 
in the recently created Cathedral of Southwark — 
and in the presence of Henry VHI and his court. 
In honour of the wedding, the Earl of Cumberland 
built two towers and a gallery at Skipton Castle; 
and we are told that these additions to the princely 
old mansion were completed in less than four 
months — a surprisingly short time, when the 
exceeding roughness of the implements and ma- 
chinery then used for building purposes, is taken 
into consideration. This ancient mansion is still 
in existence and happily in excellent preservation. 
The bride and bridegroom spent most of the early 
part of their married life at Skipton; but during 
the disturbances that accompanied the *' Pil- 
grimage of Grace,*' the Lady Eleanor, with her 
attendants and one of her children, a boy, were 
removed to Bolton Abbey, some ten miles distant 
from Skipton, a beautifully situated monastery, 
which had been presented to the young Earl of 

Cumberland shortly after its suppression. Here 
295 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

the Lady Eleanor was in sore danger, for the 
insurgents, having attacked the castle, informed 
the young earl that they would hold the Lady 
Eleanor and his child — who were entirely without 
defence at Bolton — as hostages if he did not 
surrender. They even threatened to place them 
in front of the storming party, and if the attacks 
on the castle were repelled, to hand them over 
to the lowest camp-followers. Luckily, however, 
assistance arrived in time, and the danger was 
thereby averted. Both Qifford and his wife owed 
their safety to young Christopher Aske, brother to 
, Robert Aske, one of the leaders of the rebelhon. 
This brave youth succeeded in passing, almost 
single-handed, through the rebel camp, and con- 
trived, thanks to his knowledge of the country, 
to bring relief to the earl at the castle, and, 
going on to Bolton, carry the ladies out of the 
abbey and conduct them, in the dead of night, to 
a place of safety some miles off. 

On the death of the old Earl of Cumberland, in 
1542, his title passed to Eleanor's husband, but 
very shortly after this accession of rank, he suc- 
cessively lost both his sons; the eldest, christened 
Henry after his father, died when he was two 
or three years of age, and was buried in the Clifford 
family vault in Skipton Church, near his brother 
Charles, who also died in infancy. The incon- 



Lady Eleanor Brandon, and Her Heirs 

solable young mother did not long survive her loss. 

She retired to Brougham Castle, and died there in 

November 1547, being buried at Skipton Church. 

The most interesting fact connected with her brief 

and (for those days) uneventful history, is that 

her husband took his bereavement so much to 

heart, that '' on learning he was a widower, he 

swooned and lay as one dead." His attendants, 

beheving he had really passed away, stripped his 

body, and were preparing to embalm it, when, 

to their consternation, he suddenly revived and 

struggled into a sitting position in his cofhn. 

Although the attendants were terribty frightened, 

they soon realized what had happened, and very 

sensibly placed him in a warm bed, gave him 

a strong cordial to drink, and fed him, for 

some days, on a diet of warm bread and milk. 

He recovered his health, and, a few years later, 

married a second time. He died in 1570 and is 

buried in Skipton Church, between his two wives, 

the Lady Eleanor Brandon and the Lady Anne 

D acres. 

The Lady Eleanor is mentioned as the frequent 

recipient of Henry VHFs New Year and other 

holiday gifts, which leads one to presume that she 

was perhaps a greater favourite than her sister. 

She seems to have had little or nothing to do with 

the Greys, but there is mention in the Leicester 
297 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

archives of her visiting Bradgate in 1546; and, 
if we may credit Burke, there was an intimacy 
between her kinswoman, the Lady Phihppa 
Qifford, and Lady Jane Grey.^ With her step- 
mother, the wily Katherine, Duchess of Suffolk, 
she was evidently on good terms. 

The eldest daughter of Henry Clifford and the 
Lady Eleanor Brandon was the Lady Margaret 
Clifford, who survived her parents and had a very 
troubled career. 

Of the childhood of this Lady Margaret little 
or nothing is known, but in all probability it was 
spent like that of her young cousins, the Greys. 
In the writer's life of Lady Jane Grey, mention 
is made of a certain Mistress Huggins, who fool- 
ishly boasted that she had heard it repeated about 
London that the Duke of Northumberland intended 
to marry his son, Guildford Dudley, to the Lady 
Margaret Clifford. The publicity thus given to 
his schemes seems to have induced the duke to 
change them; and shortly afterwards, Northum- 
berland made an effort to secure the heiress for 
his brother, Andrew Dudley, instead of Guildford, 
who, as all know, married Lady Jane Grey. 
Luckily for both parties, however, the project 

1 See The Nine-days' Queen, p. 342. Lady Philippa is 
said to have been the author of a long account of Lady Jane 
Grey's execution, which is still in existence. 
298 



Lady Eleanor Brandon, and Her Heirs 

fell through ; and the Lady Margaret thus escaped 
the fate that overwhelmed the Dudley family. 

Lady Margaret is next heard of as one of the 
ladies of the bedchamber at the court of Queen 
Mary; and in 1555, with Her Majest^^'s consent, 
she was married, in Westminster Palace, with great 
pomp, to Lord Strange, eldest son of the Earl of 
Derby. Mary was too ill to attend her cousin's 
wedding, but the two Ladies Grey, and the queen's 
unpopular consort, Philip of Spain, were present, 
and a great banquet was held in Westminster Hall 
in honour of the bride and bridegroom, after which 
the king displayed his prowess to much advantage 
in a tilt in the Spanish style. 

Although the Lady Margaret very often and 
imprudently asserted her prior right to the Throne 
over her cousins, the Ladies Katherine and Mary 
Grey, she does not seem to have given umbrage 
to Mary Tudor, and continued, until that queen's 
death, to take precedence of all the great ladies 
of the court, her aunt, the Lady Frances, Duchess 
of Suffolk, and her cousin Margaret, Countess of 
Lennox, alone excepted. Nor was her position 
greatly altered after Elizabeth's accession. Her 
husband, Lord Strange, enjoyed the '' Great 
Eliza's " favour until his death, but he seems to 
have entertained little affection or regard for his 
wife, whom he left to her own devices. 
299 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

The death, in 1570, of the Earl of Cumberland, 
the Lady Margaret's father, brought her a great 
accession of wealth; and the subsequent demise 
(in 1572) of her father-in-law, increased her rank, 
for her husband then became Earl of Derby and 
titular King in Man. After this event, Margaret's 
husband, who had been living separated from her, 
seems to have become more friendly, and the 
illustrious couple removed to Latham House in 
Westmorland, where they kept up almost royal 
state. It was not until after Elizabeth's sys- 
tematic cruelty had broken the hearts of the Ladies 
Katherine and Mary Grey that she seems to have 
conceived it possible that the Lady Margaret 
Clifford's claims might, like those of Lady Kathe- 
rine, threaten her sovereign security. She had 
received Lady Margaret's eldest son, Fernando 
Strange, into her household, and had treated him 
with much kindness — he was, it is significantly 
asserted, very good looking— -but at the same time 
the wily queen kept a strict watch on his -move- 
ments, lest the male heir of Lady Eleanor should 
display the least inclination to encroach on her 
prerogatives. Fernando, however, never gave her 
the least cause for uneasiness. In 1594 he met 
with a singular and sudden death, wherein witch- 
craft was mixed up with a good deal of mystery of 
a very suspicious and purely political kind. 
300 



Lady Eleanor Brandon, and Her Heirs 

Towards the middle of the year 1578, Ehzabeth 
— for some reason or other which has never 
transpired, but not improbably at the suggestion 
of Lord Derby, who was then high in her favour, 
and who heartily detested his wife — began to look 
upon Lady Margaret with disfavour. The poor 
lady had been suffering from a sort of low fever, 
and was recommended to try the skill of a certain 
Dr. Randall, a famous physician, who was also 
popularly held to be a wizard. Elizabeth sent 
spies to Latham, and was soon informed that the 
Lady Margaret and her soothsayer were conspiring 
by magic arts against her, and were also enter- 
taining Jesuits, and other suspected persons. 

Acting upon these evidently trumped-up 

charges, Ehzabeth ordered both the doctor and 

his patient to be conveyed to London. In less 

than a week, the wizard was arraigned, tried, 

condemned, and hanged. The countess was 

handed over to the strict custody of one of her 

kinsmen, a Mr. Seckford, who resided in the then 

fashionable suburb of Clerkenwell and held the 

office of '' Master of Requests " — a position which, 

if the duties at all fitted in with the title, must 

have entailed a great deal of hard work, in an age 

when about half the aristocracy spent their lives 

in petitioning or requesting mercy or other favours 

for their imprisoned relatives. For all this, the 
301 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

gentleman seems to have been interested in what 
we should call the building or house-property 
business, for the Lady Margaret's numerous letters 
are full of references to the many houses, not only 
in Clerkenwell, but even at Hampstead and 
Hackney, which he desired to sell or to let. He 
seems to have treated the poor lady very kindl}^ ; 
and, so far as possible under such circumstances, 
she lived comfortably enough; but she was never 
allowed to go out unaccompanied, and then only 
within the precincts of the gardens or to make 
purchases in shops in the neighbourhood. In her 
correspondence she frequently mentions a court 
jeweller named Brandon, presumably an illegiti- 
mate son of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk. 
This tradesman was in favour with Elizabeth, who 
employed him in mending and mounting her 
innumerable watches, jewels, and clocks, and he 
appears to have been on almost friendly terms 
with the queen, and with the Lady Margaret, who, 
if the above supposition is correct, was hi^ cousin 
once removed. He may have interceded for her 
with the queen, as Walsingham, Cecil, and Hatton 
undoubtedly did, but without the slightest result. 
The Lady Margaret remained a close prisoner, 
precisely as the Ladies Grey had been, being 
quartered with Mr. Seckford until her death, 

though not always at his house in Clerkenwell, 
302 



Lady Eleanor Brandon and Her Heirs 

for she generally spent the summer months at 
Hampstead, in a mansion rented by her from 
the said Mr. Seckford. It seems she was never 
allowed to live with her very unfaithful husband, 
which was probably not considered a very 
great deprivation by him. Elizabeth, with whom 
he was in high favour, had appointed him Lord 
High Steward of England, Judge for the trial of 
the Earl of Arundel for treason, and Lord High 
Chamberlain of Chester. When he died, in 1593, 
Lady Margaret was given a sort of holiday, being 
allowed to attend his funeral at Ormskirk in 
Lancashire; their union had been blessed with 
four sons and a daughter. On the Earl of Derby's 
death, his son, Fernando, assumed that title, as 
well as that of King in Man, but did not enjoy these 
honours long. In the spring of 1594, he was 
suddenly taken ill, and died in a few hours. As 
already hinted, a suggestive air of mystery hung 
over his end. Some time in that year, he was 
seized with fearful and sudden intestinal pains 
which were popularly attributed to the occult 
practices of one Dr. Hacket, in whose house was 
afterwards found a small waxen figure said to 
represent the 3^oung earl, and stuffed with hair 
of the same colour as that of the supposed victim. 
Accordingly as this wax image was maltreated, so, 
in the opinion of the credulous, did the person it 
303 



The Sisters of Lady Jane Grey 

resembled suffer, and since it was stuck as full of 
pins as any pincushion, there could be no doubt 
as to the cause of young Strange's prolonged 
torments and terrible death 1 Hacket was, of 
course, after having been duly tortured, hanged 
as a wizard. The Lady Margaret survived her 
eldest son by two years, dying, in 1596, at the 
house in Clerkenwell, which she had rented from 
Mr. Seckford before his death. She is buried in 
St. Edmund's Chapel in Westminster Abbey, near 
her aunt, the Lady Frances. After the death 
of Earl Fernando, the title of Earl of Derby and 
King in Man passed to Lady Margaret's youngest 
son. Lord William Stanley, who married a De Vere, 
youngest daughter of the Earl of Oxford, by his 
wife, CeciFs second daughter. This William 
Stanley was the father of that loyal Earl of Derby 
who was beheaded by Cromwell after the battle 
of Worcester, and whose wife, Charlotte de la 
Tremoille, has been immortalized by Sir Walter 
Scott, who introduces her into a short hut mar- 
vellously effective and impressive scene in Peveril 
of the Peak. 



304 



INDEX 



Alva, Duke of, 114, 115, 249 

Amy Robsart, 148, 149 and foot- 
note, 155; her death, 156, 157, 
172, 210 

Anne Boleyn, Lady, 36 and ioot- 
note, 60 and footnote 

Anne Boleyn, Queen, 24, 36 /. «., 
60 /. n., 65 /. n., 68 ; her corona- 
tion procession, 69; 72, 258, 
262 /. n. 

Anne Brown (second wife of 
Charles Brandon), betrothed to 
Brandon, 13; betrothal an- 
nulled, 14; her relationship to 
Lady Mortimer, Brandon's 
other wife, 15 and footnote; 
married to Brandon, 16; her 
children, her death, 16; her 
children legitimized, 62; their 
marriages, 63 

Anne of Brittany, Queen of France, 
22 /. «., 47 

Anne of Cleves, Queen, 72 

Ascham, 94 

Aylmer, 95, 96 /. w. 

Bacon, Sir Nicholas, 213, 246 

Baynard's Castle, 97, 98 

Bertie, Mr., 19 /. n. ; marries Kath- 
erine. Duchess of Suffolk, and 
flies from England, 79; 106; 
Mr. Stokes and Hertford con- 
sult with him, 136-137 

Bess of Hardwick (Mrs. Saintlow), 
her marriage, 85-86 ; her origin, 
etc., 87; 88, 89, 90, 129, 170, 174 

Blanche Parry, 144 and footnote, 
145, 288 and footnote 

Boulogne, 7, 29 ; Church of Notre 
Dame at, 30-31, 76, 77 and 
footnote; 33, 75 

Bradgate Hall, 83, 93, 298 

Brandon, origin of the family of, 
7-8 



Brandon, Charles, Duke of Suffolk, 
his extraordinary resemblance 
to Henry VIII, 3-5 ; his appear- 
ance, 4; his powerful imagina- 
tion, 5-6 ; his parentage, 1 1 ; his 
education, 1 2-1 3 ; goes to sea, 13 ; 
is betrothed to Anne Browne, 
13; betrothal annulled, marries 
Lady Mortimer, 14; 14-15 /. n. ; 
his marriage with Lady Mor- 
timer annulled, 16; marries 
Anne Browne, 16; tries to 
marry Elizabeth Grey, Lady 
Lisle, 16; assumes title of 
Lisle, but relinquishes it, 17; 
goes to Flanders, 17; created 
Duke of Suffolk, 18; Hst of 
lands bestowed on him, 18 and 
footnote; makes game of Mar- 
garet of Savoy, 20-21 ; courts 
Mary Tudor, 21 ; 22 /. n., 25, 26, 
39; fights in a tournament, 
42-43 ; Mary Tudor declares 
her affection for him, 48; his 
interview with Mary Tudor, 
who wishes to marry him, 
49-50. 50 /. w. ; his clandestine 
marriage with Mary Tudor, 50- 
51; letter to Wolsey, 51-52; 
received by Henry VIII, re- 
married to Mary Tudor, 54; 
verses by, 56; attitude of Wol- 
sey towards, quarrels with 
Wolsey, 56-57; his London 
residences, 58; fights in a tour- 
nament, 59; Lady Mortimer 
claims connubial rights, 61 ; re- 
af&rmation of the dissolution of 
his marriage with her, 61 ; Pope 
Clement publishes a bull dis- 
solving this marriage, and le- 
gitimizing Anne Browne's chil- 
dren, 62, 63 /. n. ; 64, 65 ; his 
mistress, and illegitimate off- 



305 



Index 



spring, 66 and footnotes; neg- 
lects Mary Tudor, 67; attends 
Anne Boleyn's coronation, 68, 
69; behaves rudely to Kathe- 
rine of Aragon, 68, 71, 72, 
74, 75; writes to Wolsey, 68" 
not present at Mary Tudor's 
funeral, 70; his abominable 
behaviour to Anne Boleyn, 
Anne of Cleves, and Katherine 
Howard, 72 ; marries a fourth 
time, 73; his children by his 
fourth wife, Katherine Wil- 
loughby, 74 and footnote; his 
public career, French cam- 
paigns, etc., 75-77; his last ill- 
ness and death, 77-78; his last 
portrait, 78; funeral, 78; his 
tomb, 78 ; his bequests, 78 ; 244 
/. n., 293, 294 
Brandon, Geoffrey, 8, 302 
Brandon, Lady Eleanor, Countess 
of Cumberland, her birth, 60 ; 61, 
64 ; betrothed to Henry Clififord, 
69, 295 ; attends his mother's 
deathbed and funeral, 70, 71 ; 
attends her father's death-bed, 
78; 293; her appearance, por- 
traits of, 294; marries Henry 
Clifford, 294-295 ; in peril dur- 
ing the " Pilgrimage of Grace," 
295-296 ; rescued, 296 ; death of 
her sons, 296; her death and 
burial, 297; 298 
Brandon, Lady Frances, Mar- 
chioness of Dorset, Duchess of 
Suffolk (mother of the Ladies 
Jane, Katherine and Mary 
Grey), 15/. w.; her birth, 59; 
her baptism, 60; 64; her mar- 
riage, 69; attends her mother's 
death-bed and funeral, 70, 71 ; 
attends her father's death-bed, 
78; 84, 86, 93, 96; her marriage 
with Adrian Stokes, 103, 255- 
256; portrait of her, 104; 
reasons for her marriage 105- 
106; her rights of precedence 
restored, 107-108; 126; ap- 
proves of Lady Katherine's pro- 
posed marriage, falls ill, 132 ; is 
still ill, sends for her daughters, 
135; wishes Lady Katherine to 
marry Hertford, 136, 138; her 
death and burial, 140, 257; 
her tomb, 141; her will, 141; 



212, 244 /. n., 256, 293, 294, 
299, 304 

Brandon, Richard, 66 and footnote 

Brandon, Sir William (father of 
Charles Brandon), 11; his mar- 
riage, and death at Bosworth, 
II 

Brandon, son of Charles Brandon 
(jeweller to Queen Elizabeth), 
66 and footnote, 302 

Brandon, Thomas, 12 

Brandon, William, 9, 10 and foot- 
note 

Browne, Sir Anthony, 131 

Bruyn, Sir Henry, 11 and foot- 
note 

Cecil, William, Lord Burleigh 
(Queen Elizabeth's Chief Secre- 
tary), 142, 157; favours Lady 
Katherine Grey's claims, 158- 
159, 221; questions Hertford 
about his courtship of Lady 
Katherine, 161-162; questions 
Lady Katherine, 162-163; 169; 
his connection with Lady Kathe- 
rine's marriage, 172; his enmity 
with Robert Dudley, 172, 187, 
213-214; letters to Cecil, 173 
f.n., 190-192, 196-197, 199 /. n., 
200, 201, 203 and /. n., 204 and 
footnote, 211, 216, 218, 226 /. n., 
228/. n., 231, 249, 270-271, 273, 
274, 275, 278, 279, 280, 281, 283, 
284, 285, 292; attempts a coup 
d'etat, 187-188; 192, 194, 208; 
is implicated in Hales 's book 
in favour of Lady Katherine's 
claims, 213; 215, 240, 245; 
supports her sons' claims, 246; 
247 /. n., 252, 263, 264, 266, 
276, 282, 285, 286, 302, 304 

Charles, Archduke of Castile and 
Austria, 17, 19, 21, 26, 47, 49 

Claude, Queen of France, 36 /. n., 
47 and footnote 

Clement VII, Pope, 62 and footnote 

Clifford, Henry, Earl of Cum- 
berland (husband of Lady 
Eleanor Brandon), 69, 70, 295, 
296, 297, 298 

Clinton, Lady (the " Fair Gerald- 
ine "), 130, 131, 204, 257, 268, 
288, 300 

Cockfield Hall, 227, 229, 230, 231 
and footnote 



306 



Index 



Dacre, Lady Magdalen, 115, 123 
Darcy, Elizabeth, 1 1 and footnote 
Dee, Dr., 144 and footnote 
De Guaras, Antonio, 246, 247 
Derby, Earl of, 286, 299, 303 
Dorset, Henry Grey, Marquis of 
(father of the Ladies Jane, 
Katherine and Mary Grey), 15 
/. n., 43, 69, 70, 76, 83, 86, 91, 
93 and footnote, 96, 244 /. n., 

294 

Dorset Place, 83 

Dudley, Edmund, 17 

Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester, 
rumours about his relations 
with Queen Elizabeth, 146, 148, 
156; death of his wife, 156-157 ; 
rumours of his desire to murder 
Jier, 156, 157, 158 and footnote; 
1 60; Lady Katherine's nocturnal 
visit to, 171; reveals her marriage 
to the Queen, 171; 172; favours 
the Earl of Huntingdon's claim, 
to the Throne, 184, 185; 187; 
opposes Lady Katherine's claim, 
193; 203, 208, 209; correspond- 
ence with Hertford about 
some gloves for the Queen, 210 ; 
plots for Cecil's downfall, 213- 
214; 215, 216, 218, 223; offers 
to support Hertford, 224; 240, 
245, 249, 251, 282, 286 

Edward VI, 76, 77, 94, 95, 96, 
98, 104, 188, 244 /. n. See Will 
of Edward VI 

Eleanor Brandon, Lady. See 
Brandon, Lady Eleanor 

Elizabeth, Queen,io3,i04,io9,iio ; 
her reception of Lady Katherine 
Grey, and fear of her, 133; her 
court, her dress, appearance, 
etc., 134; 137; 138; pretends 
great affection for Lady Kathe- 
rine, 142 ; her loss of popularity, 
146, 149; rumours about her 
relations with Robert Dudley, 
146, 148, 156; beUeves she will 
have offspring, 146-147; un- 
willing to marry, 147; refuses 
King Philip and other Princes, 
147-148 ; her passion for Dudley 
148, 149; her dislike of Lady 
Katherine, 151, 161; 152, 153; 
speaks to the Spanish Ambas- 
sador about a marriage with 
X 2 



Dudley, 155; 156; hears of his 
wife's death, 157-158; her con- 
nivance at Amy Robsart's 
murder, 158; her rumoured 
marriage with Dudley, 158 /. w. ; 
159, 160, 161 ; goes on a pro- 
gress, 165; learns of Lady 
Katherine's marriage, her anger 
thereat, 171 ; her orders to Sir 
Edward Warner touching Lady 
Katherine, 174, 175. 182 ; falls ill 
with smallpox, 1 83 ; her recovery, 
and request to the Council, 185 ; 
her orders for Lady Katherine's 
removal from the Tower, 194 
and footnote; Lady Katherine's 
petition to, 202; her indigna- 
tion at Hales's pamphlet, 212- 
214; 220; Parliament tries to 
coerce her into naming a suc- 
cessor, 221-223; she refuses to 
do so, 221 et seq.; 250; her 
orders to Mr. Roke Green, 226- 
227; her orders to Sir Owen 
Hopton, 227-228; Lady Kathe- 
rine's dying request to, 233, 
247; her treatment of Lady 
Katherine and Hertford con- 
sidered, 235-236; 240, 241; 
entertained by Hertford, 241 ; 
her kindness to his wife, 242 ; 
wishes to kill Prince James, and 
place Lady Katherine's son on 
the Scotch Throne, 246; takes 
charge of her children, 247; 
falls ill, 248; mention of an 
alleged illegitimate daughter of, 
251 ; refuses to name Lady 
Katherine's son her successor, 
252 ; seizes the Greys' property, 
256, 268 /. n. ; 257, 258, 262 and 
footnote; learns of Lady Mary 
Grey's wedding, her anger 
thereat, 263-264 ; her orders to 
WilUam Hawtrey, 265-266 ; 273, 
274, 276 and footnote, 277 ; her 
gifts to Lady Mary and others, 
286-287; 300, 301, 303, 304 

Feria, Count de (Spanish Am- 
bassador in England) , 102, 129; 
his influence over Lady Kathe- 
rine Grey, 130; 133, 147, 148, 
152, 153 

Feria, Countess de (Jane Dormer), 
115, 130. 152, 153, 195 A^^- 



307 



Index 



Francis I, King of France, 40; 
falls in love with Mary Tudor, 
44-45; 46; tries to court her, 
and is refused, 47-48; 50; tries 
to propitiate Henry VIII, 51; 
53, 76 

Gardiner, Stephen, Bishop of 
Winchester, xxix, 61, 116, 126 

Goldwell, Mrs., 262, 263, 265, 267, 
268-272, 290 

Gosfield Hall, 216, 219 and foot- 
note, 220, 225, 229 

Green, Mr. Roke, 226, 228, 229 

Gresham, Sir Thomas, 278, 282, 
284, 285, 290, 292 

Grey, Henry, Marquis of Dorset. 
See Dorset 

Grey, Lady Jane, xxviii, 15 /. n., 
39, 59, 83, 85, 86, 90. 94, 95, 96, 
97; her last letter, to Lady 
Katherine, 98-101, 98 /. n. ; 120, 
122, 153 /. n., 175, 188, 235, 
255, 256 /. n., 298 and footnote 

Grey, Lady Katherine, Countess 
of Hertford, xxviii, 15 f. n., 39, 
64, 78 ; her birth, 83 ; her child- 
hood, infantile costume, toys, 
early education, 84-85; entry 
into society, 85, 86; 89; her 
travels in 1551, 1552 and 1553, 
90-93 ,* falls ill, her health, 93 ; 
Katherine is not trained to be 
Queen, contrast between her 
girlhood and Lady Jane's, 94- 
95 ; does not go to Edward VI 's 
court, 96 ; 96 /. n. ; is contracted 
to Lord Herbert, goes to Bay- 
nard's Castle, 97; letter to 
Katherine, from Lady Jane, 
98-101 ; her betrothal annulled, 
1 01-102; expresses her willing- 
ness to marry Lord Herbert, 
102 ; goes to court, 107 ; accom- 
panies Queen Mary on pro- 
gresses, 108; receives a royal 
pension, 109; is well treated at 
Mary's court, 109; first public 
appearance, in; assists at mar- 
riage of Philip and Mary, 115; 
117, 118, 120; her meeting with 
the Earl of Hertford, 122; her 
lovemaking with him, 125, 
127; goes to Hanworth, 127; 
her life at Queen Mary's court, 
128, 129, 131; declares herself 

308 



a Catholic, 129; 154; her friends 
and friendships, 129-131, 143; 
attends Queen Mary's funeral, 
132; goes to Sheen, progress of 
Hertford's courtship, 132, 133; 
her reception by Elizabeth, 133 ; 
Elizabeth's fear of her, 133; 
her position as Elizabeth's suc- 
cessor, 134; life at Elizabeth's 
court, 135 ; goes again to Sheen, 
135; her mother desires her to 
marry Hertford, 136, 138; nego- 
tiations for the marriage, 136- 
139 ; attends her mother's death 
and funeral, 140-141, 257; re- 
turns to court, 142; Elizabeth's 
pretended affection for her, 
142 ; receives distressing news 
of Hertford, 142; consults 
Blanche Parry, 145 ; Spain 
supports her claim to the throne, 
149-150; extraordinary plot 
for her abduction to Spain, 150- 
151, 220; her claims also sup- 
ported by the Low Church 
party, 151 ; is disliked by Eliza- 
beth, 151 ; the plot falls through 
153 '> 154 > gets out of touch with 
the Spanish embassy, 155 ; 
Cecil supports her claims, 158; 
proposal that she should marry 
a Spanish Prince, 159, 160, 161 ; 
motives for this alliance, 160; 
questioned by Cecil about her 
feelings for Hertford, 162-163; 
pledges her troth to Hertford, 
163-164; has a meeting with 
Hertford, 164; goes to his house, 
165 ; her clandestine marriage 
with Hertford, 166; adopts the 
" froze paste," or matron's 
headdress, 167 and footnote; 
attends Lady Jane Seymour's 
funeral, 168; secret visits to 
Hertford, 168-169; mislays 
deed of jointure, and confesses 
her marriage to Mrs. Saintlow, 
170; her nocturnal visit and 
confession to Robert Dudley, 
171 ; her marriage revealed to 
Elizabeth, 171; sent to the 
Tower, 172; Duchess of Somer- 
set blames her for the marriage, 
173, 174 /. «., 236; refuses to 
confess, 175; furniture of her 
apartment in the Tower, 175, 



Index 



196, 197 and footnote-, 176; her 
examination and evidence, 178; 
gives birth to a son in the Tower, 
181; falls ill, 182; sentence on 
her marriage, 183; renewed agi- 
tation in favour of her claims, 
184-185; meeting to endorse 
her claims, 186; Cecil's scheme 
in favour of, 187-188; gives 
birth to a second son, 189; her 
case discussed in Parliament, 
192-193; Lord Pembroke and 
Robert Dudley opposed to her 
claims, 193 ; begs to be removed 
from the Tower, 194; removed 
to Pirgo, 195-196; her life 
there, 199; letter to Cecil, 199 
/. n. ; her unhappiness and ill- 
health, 200, 201, 203; petitions 
Elizabeth, 201 ; text of petition, 
202 ; letter to Cecil, 203 and 
footnote', 204; her state of 
poverty, 205 and footnote; in- 
ventory of her effects and of 
her child's clothing, 205-206 
/. n. ; account of monies paid 
for her maintenance, and cost 
thereof, 206 and footnote, 207; 
her attendants, 207; Hales's 
book in favour of her claims, 
212 and footnote; removes 
from Pirgo, consigned to Sir 
John Wentworth, 216, 219; 
agitation in her favour renewed, 
221 ; her claims supported by the 
House of Commons, 221, 222, 
223; remains at Gosfield after 
Wentworth's death, 225-226 ; 
Elizabeth's orders to Sir Owen 
Hopton respecting her, 227-228 ; 
is conveyed to Ipswich, 229; 
cost of her stay there and of 
journey to Cockfield, 229—230; 
falls dangerously ill, the Queen's 
doctor sent for, 231; her last 
hours, last instructions to Hop- 
ton, etc., 232-235 ; her death, 
235; EHzabeth's treatment of 
her, considered, 235-236; her 
remains embalmed, 236; fun- 
eral, 236-238; cost of same, 
237-238 /. n. ; and of her keep, 
237 /.w. ; her religion, 238 /. n. ; 
her burial place, 238-239; 
tradition respecting her pet 
dog, 240 ; 244 /. n., 245, 246, 252, 



255» 257. 263, 274, 277, 299, 300. 
See also Hertford, Earl of, and 
Hertford, sons of the Earl of 
Grey, Lady Mary, xxviii, 15 /. «., 
39, 64, 86, 90, 107, 108, 109, 
120, 132; attends her mother's 
funeral, 140, 141, 257; 141, 142, 
145,168,240 ; her birth,255 ; con- 
tracted to Lord Grey de Wilton, 
255; betrothal annulled, 256; 
her childhood, etc., 256-257 ; her 
small stature and appearance, 
257-258; forms the acquaint- 
ance of Thomas Keyes, 259; 
her visits to him, 261 ; her mar- 
riage with Keyes, 262-263 ; 
arrested, examined by Privy 
Council,265 ; her evidence before 
the Council, 266-267 ; removed 
to " The Chequers," 273 ; writes 
to Cecil, 273, 274; arrival at 
the Minories, 274; her goods, 
275-276; her stay at the 
Minories, etc., 277; her friend- 
ship for Lady Bertie, 277; goes 
to the Greshams, 278; uncom- 
fortable life there, 282 ; receives 
news of Keyes's death, its effect 
on her, 283; her care for his 
children, 283; letter to Cecil, 
283; is released, her poverty, 
285; her gifts to EHzabeth, 
286; her death and burial, 287; 
her will and bequests, 287-290; 
her character, 290; her library, 
290-292; 291 /. «., 299, 300. 
See also Keyes, Thomas 
Grey of Pirgo, Lord John (Lady 
Katherine's uncle), 93, 109, 
152, 194 /. n., 195 and footnote, 
196, 198 ; letter of, to Cecil, 199, 
200-201 ; 202, 203, 204 and 
footnote, 211; put under arrest, 
215 ; falls ill and dies, 215 
Guildford Dudley, 97, 255 
Guildford, Lady, 36, 37, 38 
Guzman de Silva, Don Diego, 
Spanish Ambassador, 212 f.n., 
213. 245 

Hales, John, his book in favour 

of Lady Katherine's claims, 

212 and footnote; sent to prison, 

213; 218 

Hampton Court Palac«, 4, 121-127 

Hanworth, 127, 195, 197, 217 



309 



Index 



Hawtrey, William, 265, 266, 273, 
274, 275 

Henry V, xxiii, xxiv /. n., xxvii 

Henry VI, xxvi, xxvii, xxviii, 
xxix, 9 

Henry VII, xxiii, xxv, xxviii, 
xxix, 9 

Henry VIII, his likeness to Charles 
Brandon, 3-5; 18, 19, 20; ar- 
ranges a marriage between 
Mary Tudor and Louis XII of 
France, 22 ; 24, 25 ; urges Mary 
Tudor to marry Louis XII, 27 ; 
28; letter of Mary Tudor to, 
37; 49, 51, 52, 53; receives 
Mary at Greenwich, and assists 
at her marriage with Brandon, 
54 ; schemes to destroy Brandon, 
56; stands godfather to Mary's 
child, and creates him Earl, 
58-59; 60, 65, 68, 69; his piety, 
76; 77, 78, 104, 295, 297 

Herbert, Lord, 97, loi, 102 

Hertford, Edward Seymour, Earl 
of (husband of Lady Katherine 
Grey), 102; his meeting with 
Lady Katherine, 122; his 
courtship of her, 125, 127, 
132, 133; 135; Lady Frances 
Brandon wishes him to marry 
Lady Katherine, Mr. Stokes con- 
sults with him, 136, 137; aids 
Mr. Stokes to prepare a letter 
for the Queen, but refuses 
to send it, 138-139; his weak 
character, 139; his alleged 
courtship of Sir Peter Mewtas's 
daughter, 142 ; sends Katherine 
a ring, 143 ; gets alarmed about 
the marriage, is questioned by 
Cecil, 161-162; pledges his 
troth to Lady Katherine, and 
gives her a ring, 163-164; his 
verses on this ring, 163; 164; 
sends away his servants, 165 ; 
marries Lady Katherine clan- 
destinely, 166 ; is sent to France, 
169; his gay life in Paris, 170; 
recalled from France, arrested, 
and sent to the Tower, 176-177 ; 
his examination, and evidence, 
177; 178 ; proposal to place him 
on the Throne, 187; Cecil's 
scheme for a coup d'etat in his 
favour, 188; is brought before 
Star Chamber, and fined, 189- 



190; Sir John Mason's opinion 
of him, 191 ; removed to Han- 
worth, 195; Newdigate per- 
suades him against Lord John 
Grey, 204-205 ; is asked to pay 
for Lady Katherine's main- 
tenance, 208; appeals to Dud- 
ley, 209 and footnote; makes 
gloves for the Queen, 210; his 
unhappy life at Hanworth, 
removed to Sir John Mason's, 
217; writes to Cecil, 218; Dud- 
ley offers him his support, in 
the matter of the succession, 
224 ; his imprisonment becomes 
more severe, 225; 233, 234, 
236; not present at Lady 
Katherine's funeral, 237; 239, 
240; takes his M.A. degree, 
re-marries, is restored to favour, 
241 ; death of his second wife, 
241 ; erects monument to her, 
and to his mother, marries a 
third time, is sent to the Tower 
afresh, 242; released, becomes 
James I's ambassador, his 
death, 243 ; his tomb, 243-245 ; 
inscription on it, 243 /. n. 

Hertford, sons of the Earl of 
(Edward and Thomas Seymour), 
their births, 181, 189; 242; 
movement in favour of their 
claims to the English throne, 
186, 221, 245, 248, 249, 250; 
242; attempts to place them 
on the Scotch throne, 246- 
248, 250-251; 247 /. w., 252 

Hopton, Lady, 232 

Hopton, Sir Owen, 227, 228 and 
footnote, 229, 231-236, 237- 
238/. n., 239, 247 

Howard, Lady Frances, 242, 243 

Howard, Lord William and Lady, 
263, 269, 270-271 

Huntingdon, Earl of, 76 ; agitation 
in favour of his claims to the 
throne, 158-159, 184, 185; 245 

James, Prince (afterwards King 
James I), 59 A »«•. 243, 244 /. n., 
248; attempt to kidnap him, 
and put an end to him, 247, 
250 and footnote, 251, 252 
Jane Grey, Lady. See Grey 
Jane Seymour, Lady (sister of 
the Earl of Hertford), Lady 



310 



Ind 



ex 



Katherine Grey's friendship for, 
127; acts as her intermediary, 
143; 164, 165; witnesses Lady 
Katherine's wedding, 166; her 
death and funeral, 167-168, 
177, 178 

Katherine Grey, Lady. See Grey 

Katherine Howard, Queen, 72 

Katherine of Aragon, Queen, 6, 
12, 23, 26, 28, 54, 57, 60, 62, 67, 
68, 70, 71, 72, 74, 75 and footnote 

Katherine of Valois, Queen, xxiii ; 
her meeting with Owen Tudor, 
xxiv and footnote ; her children 
by Owen, xxvi, xxvii; banish- 
ment and death, xxvi-xxvii. 
See Owen Tudor 

Katherine Willoughby d'Eresby, 
Duchess of Suffolk (fourth wife 
of Charles Brandon), ig f.n.; 
her marriage with Brandon, 
her parentage, etc., 73 ; her 
children, their early deaths, 
74 ; 75 ; attends Brandon's 
death-bed, 78; her visitors at 
the Barbican, 78-79 ; re-marries 
and flies from England, 79; 
91 and footnote; 106, 136, 137; 
Lady Mary Grey lodged with, 
274; complains to Cecil, 275; 
her letter to same about Lady 
Mary's goods, 275-276; 285, 
286, 288, 290 /. n., 298 

Kej^es, Thomas, Sergeant-Porter 
of the Watergate (husband of 
Lady Mary Grey), his antece- 
dents, 258; his family, extra- 
ordinary stature, etc., 259 and 
footnote; his duties as Porter, 
260 and footnote; his private 
apartment, 260; marries Lady 
Mary Grey, 262-263 J 264 ; sent 
to the Fleet Prison, 265 ; 266, 
267; his evidence before the 
Council, 268 ; is to go to Ireland, 
278; is willing to renounce his 
wife, 279 ; discomforts of his life 
in the Fleet, 278, 279, 280; is 
nearly poisoned, 280; removed 
to Lewisham, 280; his last ap- 
peal to Cecil, 280-281 ; his death 
281 ; news of same conveyed to 
Lady Mary, 283 

Killigrew, Sir Henry, 250 and 
footnote 



Knollys, Henry, 262 and footnote 
KnoUys, Lattice, 261, 262 

Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of. 
See Dudley, Robert 

Lennox, Countess of. See Mar- 
garet Douglas 

Lisle, Lady Elizabeth, 16, 17 

Lisle, Lady Elizabeth (aunt of 
above), 17 

Louis XII of France, proposed as 
husband for Mary Tudor, state 
of his health, 22 and footnote, 27 ; 
28 ; his " treaty of marriage," 
and marriage by proxy, 28-29 ; 
his meeting with Mary Tudor, 
31-32; and marriage with her, 
32-33 ; his gifts to Mary Tudor, 
33, 38, 42, 46, 52 ; objects to her 
attendants, 33 et seq.; 40; his 
death, 46; 54 /. n. 

Louise of Savoy, 44, 46, 50-51 

Maltravers, Lady, 220 

Margaret, Archduchess of Aus- 
tria, Duchess of Savoy, 17, 18; 
visits Henry VIII at Tournay, 
incidents there, 19-21, 26 

Margaret CHfford, Lady, 298, 299- 

304 
Margaret Douglas, Countess of 

Lennox, 115, 184 /. n., 193, 250, 

286, 299 
Margaret Plantagenet, Countess 

of Beaufort, xxix, 295 
Margaret, Queen of Scotland, 59, 

193 

Mary Grey, Lady. See Grey, 
Lady Mary 

Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, 76, 
90, 96, i33-i34> 149, 184 /. n.. 
193, 212 and footnote, 221, 223- 
224, 225, 250, 251 

Mary Tudor, Queen of England, 
XXX, 60, 91, 93, 104, 107, 108, 
109; her court, no; in, 128, 
129; her marriage to Philip of 
Spain, 1 1 5-1 17; proceeds to 
Windsor, 11 8-1 19; goes to 
Suffolk Place, 120; proceeds to 
Hampton Court, 121; her life 
there, 122-123; 125, 127; her 
death, 132; 257, 299 

Mary Tudor, Queen of France, 
Duchess of Suffolk (Charles 
Brandon's third wife), 17, 19-20, 



311 



Index 



21, 22 and footnote, 23; is told 
she must marry Louis XII, her 
refusal, 26-27; consents to the 
marriage, " treaty of marriage," 
and marriage by proxy, 28-29; 
leaves England, arrival at Bou- 
logne, pageant there, 29, 30; 
visits Church of Notre-Dame, 
30, 31 ; first meeting with Louis 
XII, 31, 32; the marriage at 
Abbeville, 32-33 ; trouble over 
her English attendants, 33-38; 
her kindness to them, 35 /. n.; 
makes complaint to Henry VIII 
and Wolsey, 37 ; proceeds to St. 
Denis, 39 ; her coronation as 
Queen of France, 40; proceeds 
to Paris, her entry into, and 
progress round that city, 40-42 ; 
assists at a tournament, her 
popularity, 43-44; court in- 
trigues against her, 45 ; her 
respectability, 45-46 ; her 
mourning for King Louis, 46; 
repulses Francis I, 47-48; tells 
Brandon she will not leave 
France without him, 49-50 and 
footnote ; her clandestine marri- 
age with Charles Brandon, 
Duke of Suffolk, 50-51; her 
letters to Wolsey and Henry 
VIII, 52; hands over her jewelry 
to Henry VIII, on condition 
that he recognizes her marriage 
with Brandon, 52, 53 ; her deed 
of gift, 52 and footnote; list of 
her property, 53 /.•??. ; her public 
re-marriage with Brandon, 54- 
55; bridal portraits of, her 
appearance, etc., 55 and foot- 
note ; her residences in London, 
58; gives birth to a son, 58; 
receives Charles V, is accorded 
queenly precedence, 59 ; goes on 
pilgrimage, 59; gives birth to 
Lady Frances Brandon, 59 ; and 
to Lady Eleanor Brandon, 60; 
61, 64; is neglected by her hus- 
band, death of her son, 67 ; lock 
of her hair sold, 67; supports 
Katherine of Aragon, 67; does 
not attend Anne Boleyn's coron- 
ation, 68; her ill health, 68; 
death and funeral, 70; incident 
at funeral, 71 ; her monument, 
71 /. n.', 244 /. n., 293 



Mason, Sir John, igo and footnote] 
his letter to Cecil, 190-192, 217, 
218 

Merrick, Jane, 277, 289 

Monteagle, Mary, Lady, 63; her 
portrait, 65; her husband, 65 
/• '^■, 70 

Mortimer, Lady Margaret (first 
wife of Charles Brandon), mar- 
ries Brandon, 14; her anteced- 
ents, parentage, pedigree, etc., 
14-15 /. n. ; is aunt to Anne 
Browne (q. v.), 15; her marriage 
declared null, 16; claims connu- 
bial rights, 61 ; Brandon obtains 
a re-af&rmation of the dissolu- 
tion of the marriage, 61 ; appeal 
to Rome, and Papal bull declar- 
ing the marriage void, 62 ; her 
third marriage, 63 and footnote ; 
further confirmation of sentence 
against the marriage, 64-65; 
293, 294 

Newdigate, Francis, 106, 195 and 

footnote, 204, 217, 218 
Norfolk, Duke of, 3, 22 /. n., 28, 

35, 160, 185; favours Lady 

Katherine Grey's claims, 186, 

221, 223; 245 
Northampton, Marchioness of, 86 
Northampton, Marquis of, 163 

Owen Tudor, supposed pedigree 
of, xxiii; appearance of, xxiv, 
xxviii; his meeting with 
Katherine of Valois, xxiv and 
footnote, XXV /. n. ; clandestine 
marriage with her, xxiv ; the 
marriage discovered,^ his arrest, 
xxvi; his imprisonments and 
escapes, xxvii; restored to 
favour, xxvii ; beheaded, xxviii ; 
his children, xxviii, xxix, xxx 

Pembroke, Earl of, 97-98, loi- 
102, 114, 185, 193 

Petre, Sir William, 216 

Philip II of Spain (consort of 
Queen Mary Tudor I), 102; 
arrival in England, 1 1 1 ; his 
appearance and manners, 112- 
113; his journey to Winchester, 
113; receives a ring from the 
Queen, 114; his marriage to 
Mary Tudor, 115-117; 119; his 



312 



Index 



rude behaviour to Lady Dacre, 

123 ; returns to Spain, 127; 129 ; 

courts Queen Elizabeth, 147; 

supports Lady Katherine's 

claims, 150 and footnote, 151; 

proposes to abduct her, 150 f.n. ; 

loses interest in Katherine after 

her marriage, 173; 214, 299. 

See Mary Tudor, Queen of 

England 
Pirgo, 195 and footnote, 198, 215, 

216 
Popincourt, Joan, 33, 34 
Powis, Anne, Lady, 63, 64 and 

footnote, 70 

Quadra, Don Alvaro de la, Spanish 
Ambassador, 142, 154, 155, 156, 
157. 158, 159, 160, 172, 183, 184 
and footnote, 188, 193, 213, 218 

Richmond, Edmund of Hadham, 
Earl of, XXV, xxviii-xxix. See 
Henry VII 
Richmond Palace, 1 19-120 
Robert, the Lord. See Dudley, 
Robert 

Saintlow, Mrs. See Bess of Hard- 
wick 

Saintlow, William, 89 

Seckford, Mr., 301, 302, 303, 304 

Seymour, Edward. See Hertford, 
Earl of 

Seymour, Lady Jane. See Jane 
Seymour, Lady 

Seymour, Lord Henry, 179,180,218 

Seymour, William, 252 

Sheen, the Charterhouse at (resi- 
dence of the Marquis of Dorset), 
108, 132, 135, 137, 284 

Shrewsbury, George Talbot, Earl 
of, 86, 250 

Skipton Castle, 294, 295 ; Skipton 
Church, 296, 297 

Somerset, Anne Stanhope, Duch- 
ess of, 106, 125-126, 132; letter 
to Cecil of, 169; writes to Cecil, 
blaming Lady Katherine, 173 
and footnote, 236; appeals on 
behalf of Lady Katherine and 



Hertford, 208-209, 216; 224, 

242, 244 /. n., 249, 274 
Somerset, Duke of, no, 122, 127, 

181 /. n. 
Spaniards, the, their opinion of 

England and the English, 119, 

124-125 ; create disturbances, 

126-127 
Stanley, Lord William, 304 
Stokes, Adrian (second husband 

of Lady Frances Brandon), 103, 

104, 105, 136, 138, 139, 141, 256, 

284, 285 
Strange, Fernando, 300, 303-304 
Suffolk, Duchess of. See Brandon, 

Lady Frances; Katherine Wil- 

loughby; Mary Tudor 
Suffolk, Duke of. See Brandon, 

Charles 
Suffolk Place, or Court, 19 /. n., 

58, 59, 120, 295 
Symonds, Dr., 231, 237 /. n. 

" The Chequers," 266, 273 
Tudor, Owen. See Owen Tudor 

Warner, Sir Edward (Lieutenant 
of the Tower), 174, 175, 182, 
189, 192, 196, 197 and footnote 

Wentworth, Lady, 219, 225 

Wentworth, Sir John, 216, 2ig, 
220, 225, 228, 241. 

Westhorpe Hall, 18, 19 /. n., 67, 68 

Westminster Palace, 164 

Westminster, tournament at, 
described, 23-26; Watergate at, 
258 and footnote, 260; Hall, 299 

Will of Edward VI, touching the 
succession to the Throne, xvii, 
104, 134, 245, 277 

Will of Henry VIII, touching the 
succession to the Throne, xvi- 
xviii, 104 and footnote, 134, 159, 
212 and footnote, 245, 277, 293 

Willoughby, Katherine, Duchess 
of Suffolk. See Katherine Wil- 
loughby 

Wolsey, Cardinal, 6, 37, 51, 56-57, 
61, 62, 68 

Zouch, Lady, 87 and footnote, 88 



Z^Z 



Richard Clav & Sons, Limited, 

brunswick street, stamford street, s.e., 

and bungay, suffolk 



EXTRACTS FROM SOME OF THE 

PRESS NOTICES OF OTHER WORKS 

BY RICHARD DAVEY 



THE NINE- DAYS' QUEEN: The Life of Lady Jane Grey. 

Illustrated. [London : Methuen & Co. 105. 6^. 

" Mr. Davey in this scholarly volume — it rests on original research — tells 
without rhetorical appeal the moving story of the poor girl's fate. . . . The 
book is written with lightly handled knowledge and conspicuous charm." — 
The Standard. 

* ' Diving deep into historical records, Mr. Davey has given us not only a 
most fascinating narrative of the chief conspiracies, but also some excellent 
character sketches. ... A most interesting volume, which may be read by 
the general reader with profit, and will be heartily welcomed by students who 
wish to arrive at a fuller knowledge of that extraordinary period." — The Globe. 

** A fascinating narrative. . . . The work is one calculated to lure indolent 
readers into perusing something of more permanent worth than third-rate 
fiction."— i'rt;// Mall Gazette. 

"Mr. Richard Davey's exhaustive and admirably written history," — 
Morning Post. 

' ' The story emerges clearly through an extraordinary amount of anecdote 
and personal detail. The detail is never superfluous or indifferent. The 
narrative and description alike hold the reader's attention. . . . The wealth 
of this new telling lies in the careful psychology and wealth of detail which we 
have praised. Mr. Davey's story is essentially exact. . . ." — The Athenceum. 

' ' Mr. Davey has presented his tragic materials with fulness and clear- 
ness. , . . Among the best of historical biographies. . . . The work is, 
indeed, far better than most of the memoirs of this kind, and should have 
more than a season's success. It is evidently the fruit of long and careful 
study, and is admirably presented." — Daily Telegraph. 

(Extract from a long review of this work by M. T. de Wyzewa in the Revue 
des Deux Mondes for April 15, 1910). 

"La haute portee de I'ouvrage de M. Davey lui vient surtout de ce que, 
apres avoir ecarte ces fables que imagination populaire a amoncelees pendant 
plusieurs siecles, et sous lesquelles la personne authentique de la petite reine 
improvisee nous apparait enfin, pour la premiere fois, dans son emouvante 
simplicite, I'auteur s'est attache a evoquer devant nous les vigoureuses et 
sinistres figures des acteurs principaux du drame. Jamais encore, je crois, 
aucun historien n'a reconstitue avec autant de relief et de couleur pittoresque 
le tableau des intrigues ourdies autour du trone du vieil Henry VIII et de son 
pitoyable successeur Edouard VI." 



THE TOWER OF LONDON. With Fourteen Illustrations. 
[London : Methuen & Co. los. 6d. 

*' The grim annals of the Tower of London have already been treated by 
various historians, but there is still room for an accurate, yet animated, work 
such as Mr. Richard Davey has produced. His topography is carefully done, 
and he has a nice eye for architecture. Mr, Davey sets forth the facts with 
spirit ; we get, indeed, a singularly complete record." — Morning Post. 

*' Mr. Davey 's competent and readable book will rank among the best upon 
its subject. Mr. Davey has two conspicuous qualifications for a work of this 
kind ; he is careful about his authorities and he writes uncommonly well. . . . 
In writing of the Tudor period Mr. Davey is at his best. \ He shows the true 
historian's gift for dissecting motive and probing to the heart of a situation, 
and he keeps the interest continually quivering with the spirit of suggestion 
and interpretation. ... A book packed with historical interest." — Daily 
Telegraph. 

"Mr. Davey's book is one which no visitor to the Tower, or any one 
interested in that grim building, should fail to read. He writes pleasantly ; 
the wonderful story he has to tell is related with full appreciation of its 
dramatic possibilities. Mr. Davey is at his best in relating the tragedies of the 
Tower." — Evening Standard. 

THE PAGEANT OF LONDON. With Illustrations. 

[London : Methuen & Co. 75. 6^. per volume, 
or Two volames, 155. 

*' Mr. Davey marks London's development up to the present situation by 
many typical and striking scenes. . . . His work is an admirable example of 
discriminating research. " — Morning Post. 

" Mr. Davey has combined the method of the impressionist with those of 
the historian and anecdotist, and the result is one that is admirable. ... It 
would be easy to quote innumerable passages of admirable description, of well- 
told historical incidents, of pleasant anecdotes. ... A deeply interesting 
book, quite unlike the conventional topographical works." — Daily Telegraph. 

*' Replete with information, presented with a considerable amotmt of literary 
skill." — Athenceum. 

THE SULTAN AND HIS SUBJECTS. Second Edition. 
[London : Chatto & Windus. 7^. 6d. 

* ' The best book on Turkey that has yet appeared ... a book that goes 
to the root of the political troubles in Turkey with directness and insight. . . . 
Mr. Davey's book must be read by every one who has eyes to look beyond 
parochial politics." — Pall Mall Gazette. 

"The description of the Reform Movement in Turkey is especially interest- 
ing. .... This is a book which well repays perusal, and is the more interesting 
at a time when the once moribund Sick Man of the East looms so largely on 
the European horizon." — Morning Post. 



JUL 5 \m 






'^> 







.Oc) 



v^ . 






'^^ .<^ 



„R 






.^^ 



^■^ ^=^., '-y. 












xO^^. 



x0^x> 



^> 



<^^' ^^^ 









%: 






'I: N°- 



t'^y-^- 




-"a -3, '» 



.0 o^ 



..^ 









o 












^ .^; 






i:.v-> 




^: ^. 



'■%.^ 









>^ % 



i% : 




1 °o 



rO^ .^ 



oM '^ * -^^^ 



'^. * 8 1 A * 





























%<^' j^; 









.v'.\;%^->^ -^^..^^^.^M-, '^--^^^ .-Am4': ''^^^- 



c5> ^ ■: W" 






^5J%^.^^^ "<" /' 



>^%. '. 



^*' v'l:'. 







> NT 



•••X/-* 












"" '^^ 






:^'.- .o> -^-"c^. 



V 










;. --^^ v^' 



.-»•' ,a: 



/-"^'./-^ 



'OO' 






♦?^^ 






